It already is.

Two months into a war with Iran that was meant to be swift and decisive, the United States finds itself in a very different contest — one measured not just in military terms, but in time, prices, and political patience.

The Strait of Hormuz is effectively constricted. Tanker traffic is disrupted. Oil markets are rattled. And the president who promised relief at the pump is watching costs climb steadily higher.

This is no longer just a military standoff. It is a test of endurance. And the uncomfortable reality is this: while Washington is trying to force a quick outcome, Tehran is playing for time.

The disruption that reshaped the battlefield

The turning point came early. Following the initial wave of US and Israeli strikes, Iran responded by targeting the artery it has long threatened but rarely choked at scale — the Strait of Hormuz.

Roughly 20 million barrels of oil pass through that narrow corridor each day, about a fifth of global consumption. Even partial disruption sends shockwaves through energy markets.

Washington’s response was forceful. A naval blockade aimed at Iranian-linked exports has intercepted dozens of vessels, costing Tehran billions in lost revenue. On paper, it signals dominance.

But pressure cuts both ways.

Brent crude has surged past $120 a barrel, briefly touching levels not seen in years. Analysts warn that prolonged disruption could keep prices elevated — or push them higher still.

In the United States, gasoline prices are now hovering around $4.40 a gallon. In some regions, increases have come sharply and suddenly.

Voters have noticed.

The political math is unforgiving

Fuel prices are not abstract indicators. They are lived experiences — felt in daily commutes, delivery costs, and grocery bills.

With mid-term elections approaching, the timing could hardly be worse. Narrow congressional margins leave little room for economic discontent.

Even if the conflict de-escalates soon, the effects will linger. Energy-driven inflation does not recede overnight. There is a delay between falling oil prices and relief at the pump — a delay measured in months, sometimes longer.

That lag is politically dangerous.

The administration faces a difficult balance: sustain pressure abroad while containing the economic fallout at home. The risk is that success in one arena may come at the expense of the other.

Tehran’s advantage: patience

Iran’s position is far from comfortable. Its exports are constrained, its economy strained. By conventional measures, it is under significant pressure.

But it is not trying to win quickly.

Iran’s system has spent decades absorbing sanctions and shocks. It is structured for endurance in ways democratic systems often are not. Where Washington faces electoral deadlines, Tehran operates on a longer horizon.

Every week of disruption shifts pressure outward — into global markets, into fuel prices, into American political life.

Iran does not need a decisive victory. It needs time to do its work.

Why time is not on Trump’s side

The White House appears to be betting that Iran will eventually yield under sustained pressure. That assumption has logic. But it collides with a more immediate reality: political time moves faster than strategic time.

Even a rapid resolution would not instantly reverse the damage. Prices would take time to fall. Voter sentiment would take time to recover.

And time is precisely what the political calendar does not offer.

The administration may argue that short-term economic pain is the cost of a longer-term strategic gain. That case is not without merit. But it is also one that voters, facing rising daily expenses, may be unwilling to accept.

Foreign policy victories rarely outweigh domestic discomfort — especially when it is felt at the pump.

A contest of endurance

At its core, this is a clash of timelines.

Washington is trying to accelerate events — force a breakthrough, restore stability, bring prices down before political consequences set in.

Tehran is doing the opposite — stretching the moment, allowing pressure to accumulate where it matters most: in the economies and electorates of its adversaries.

Both sides are betting on time. But they are betting in opposite directions.

The reckoning at the pump

Back at that Georgia gas station, the calculation is already underway. The contractor who once supported Trump says he can absorb the costs — for now.

But only to a point.

No one knows exactly where that point lies. What is clear is this: every day the Strait remains disrupted, every day oil flows are constrained, every day prices stay elevated, the pressure builds.

Each increase leaves an impression. Each visit to the pump becomes a quiet political moment.

The president faces limited options. Escalation risks widening the conflict. Retreat risks projecting weakness. Waiting risks something else entirely.

Because waiting is not neutral. It favours the side that can endure it longer.

And right now, that may not be the United States.

For Donald Trump, time is no longer just a strategic variable. It is a political liability.

And it is working against him.

The writer is a seasoned journalist covering the economy and international affairs.

In Pakistan’s case, however, this “necessity” sits uneasily beside a history of recurring balance of payments crises, chronic fiscal deficits, and a currency that has rarely known stability.

To introduce a volatile asset class into such a system is not modernisation alone; it borders on recklessness.

The visible advantages are real. Bringing unregulated transactions into a legal framework offers the state greater visibility over previously opaque financial flows.

It may improve compliance, widen the tax base, and provide individuals outside the formal banking system with alternative channels for savings and transfers.

In a country where financial exclusion remains significant, this is no small consideration.

There is also the promise of remittance efficiency.

For Pakistan, where remittances are a critical source of external support, blockchain-based channels could reduce costs and delays, allowing more value to reach households.

At a time when every dollar of inflow matters, such gains carry undeniable appeal.

Legalisation also signals openness. It suggests a willingness to engage with emerging financial systems to attract speculative capital and to project regulatory adaptability.

For a government under constant pressure to demonstrate reform, this symbolism is politically convenient.

Yet these advantages are incremental and fragile.

They depend on confidence, discipline, and above all, stability, qualities that Pakistan’s economic history has struggled to sustain.

Against them stands a single factor whose impact is neither limited nor manageable: volatility.

Digital assets derive their value not from productive capacity or sovereign backing but from market sentiment and global liquidity cycles.

Their movements are dictated by forces far removed from Pakistan’s domestic realities.

In stronger economies, such volatility may be absorbed. In Pakistan, it risks becoming an accelerant to existing instability.

The danger is not theoretical.

Pakistan’s foreign exchange reserves have repeatedly hovered at precarious levels, often sufficient for only weeks of imports.

In such a context, even a modest shift of capital into speculative digital assets can have disproportionate consequences.

A sudden loss of confidence, whether triggered domestically or abroad, could prompt rapid liquidation and capital flight, placing immediate pressure on the rupee and the already strained reserve position.

What is presented as an avenue for inflow can just as easily become a channel for outflow.

The asymmetry is stark. Inflows are gradual, conditional, and confidence-driven.

Outflows, in moments of panic, are swift and indiscriminate.

For an economy living from one external support programme to the next, this is not a marginal risk; it is a structural threat.

Proponents argue that regulation will mitigate these dangers.

That is an optimistic assumption in a system where regulatory enforcement is uneven and institutional capacity is limited.

Legalisation without robust oversight does not reduce risk; it formalises exposure.

More troubling is the potential entanglement with external commercial and political interests.

Pakistan’s economic policymaking has long been influenced by external dependencies, whether through multilateral lenders or bilateral arrangements.

To add a new layer of dependence, tied to volatile and externally driven financial ecosystems, is to compound vulnerability, not reduce it.

The question, therefore, is not whether digital assets have utility; they do.

The question is whether Pakistan, in its present condition, can afford the risks they carry.

Economic sovereignty is not lost in a single decision; it erodes through cumulative exposure to forces beyond domestic control.

The promise of efficiency and inclusion operates within a narrow band of stability.

Pakistan, by contrast, operates at the edge of it.

To embed volatility into such a system is not reform in any meaningful sense. It is a wager taken from a position of weakness.

For a country with little margin for error, this is not merely experimentation.

It is an invitation to amplify instability. In Pakistan’s case, this is not a leap into the future; it is a gamble with a past that has already warned against such risks.

Copyright Business Recorder, 2026

The article first appeared in the daily Business Recorder on April 22, 2026

A word of caution is not remiss at this juncture: data integrity continues to be challenged not only by independent economists but also by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) which noted the following in its 10 October 2024 documents titled Pakistan: 2024 Article IV Consultation and Request for an Extended Arrangement under the Extended Fund Facility: “Important shortcomings remain in the source data available for sectors accounting for around a third of Gross Domestic Product, while there are issues with the granularity and reliability of the Government Finance Statistics (GFS). The authorities are prioritising addressing these weaknesses, supported by Fund Technical Assistance (TA) on the GFS and a new Producer Price Index (PPI) index.”

A source in the PBS informed Business Recorder that the IMF expressed reservations on the new PPI and the Pakistan Bureau of Statistics (PBS) is currently engaged in its revision delaying the scheduled end June TA completion to October.

The March Outlook noted the obvious: “Oil markets remain on tenterhooks, multiple supply outages have heightened crude markets, while geopolitical tensions between Iran and the US have intensified, as a result oil markets remain volatile.”

The ceasefire agreed this week past came under severe strain in less than 24 hours as the protagonists’ interpretation of the terms of the talks on 11 April in Islamabad became mired in disagreement.

Be that as it may on 30 March the IMF uploaded an article on its website titled How the War in the Middle East is affecting energy, trade, and finance and pointed out that the impact of the war is uneven across regions and countries adding that “in Europe and many emerging markets, higher yields and wider credit spreads raise debt service burdens and complicate refinancing for governments and firms alike. In the Middle East and South Asia, already meagre reserves and limited market access make external shocks to financing conditions more dangerous – especially as higher import bills for fuel, fertiliser, and food widen trade deficits and put pressure on currencies.”

This observation is particularly relevant to Pakistan given that reserves as on 19 March 2026 were 16.4 billion dollars – an amount that is a massive improvement from the under 3 billion dollars (2916.7 million dollars) reserves on 3 February 2023, yet they constitute over 12 billion-dollar annual roll-overs by three friendly countries with the rest borrowed from other multilaterals/bilaterals and maturing debt equity from issuance of Eurobonds/Sukuk.

This month alone, the United Arab Emirates requested a 3.45 billion dollar loan recall from Pakistan (there was reportedly no request to cut the 800 million dollars owed by Etisalat to Pakistan since the privatisation of PTCL decades ago) and an additional 1.4 billion dollars was repaid on maturing Eurobonds this week past.

Pakistan’s access to foreign commercial markets has remained compromised for the past three to four years due to a fragile economy that accounts for a non-investment grade rating by the three international rating agencies.

In spite of the much-touted rating improvement last year, sourced to the country being on an active IMF programme, Pakistan’s rating remains in the highly speculative category defined as at material default risk with a limited margin of safety with financial commitments being met though capacity for continued payment is vulnerable to deterioration in the business and economic environment.

The Middle East conflict has certainly deteriorated Pakistan’s business and economic environment further, as it has globally.

The March update further notes that the “composite leading indicator for Pakistan’s major export destinations shows economic activity hovering near its long-term potential, signalling broadly supportive external demand prospects.”

Trade data released by the PBS for March indicates that prior to the start of hostilities in the Middle East exports had already declined by 1,987 million dollars — from 24,718 million dollars (July-March 2025) to 22,731 million dollars in the same period this year — while imports rose from 47,388 million dollars last year (July-March) to 50,536 million dollars or a rise of 3,148 million dollars, indicative of a worsening trade balance.

Remittances rose by 17 per cent in March, as per the State Bank of Pakistan data upload, a positive development however, it is concerning that while remittances increased month on month, yet they declined year-on-year as July-March 2024-25 inflows were 4 billion dollars against 3.8 billion dollars in the same period this year.

The Update projected inflation “to remain within the range of 7.5 to 8.5 per cent for March 2026.”

However, the PBS estimated Consumer Price Index at 7.3 per cent for March a day later raising questions about the Finance Division’s proactive approach to present as up-to-date data as possible to make more informed projections.

The CPI rose by 0.3 per cent in March over February with the largest increase in housing, water, electricity, gas, and fuels of 2.44 per cent followed by non-perishable food items at 1.59 per cent and perishable food items at 1.28 per cent (items with significant transport costs).

Core inflation (non-food and non-energy) rose by 0.7 per cent month on month for urban and 0.8 per cent for rural, perhaps paving the way for a rise in the policy rate in the next scheduled meeting on 27 April.

Pakistan’s tax revenue shortfall was at 610 billion rupees (July-March) with petroleum levy, a major source of Other Taxes, at 80 rupees per litre on petrol (hastily halved after public outcry at 160 rupees per litre levy announced on 3 April).

There is no levy on high-speed diesel. The shrinking resource base, no doubt partly if not mainly, attributable to the supply disruptions and price increases due to the Middle East conflict, prompted the IMF to advise the government to limit and target fuel subsidies to the poor and vulnerable.

Benazir Income Support Programme (BISP) with scientifically identified beneficiaries would be the best way to extend these subsidies; however, the government is considering fuel cards for motorcycle owners with a monthly litre limit – cards that have yet to be printed leave alone distributed.

Discussions with the Fund are reportedly ongoing with respect to the budget 2026-27 formulation.

One would hope that the Pakistani economic team leaders are considering a massive cut in current as opposed to development expenditure — by at least 2 trillion rupees — and not rely on lower policy rates to keep the current expenditure in check as it did in the ongoing budget.

This can be achieved by freezing all non-operational costs for a period of two years that would reduce the pressure on raising taxes which, in turn, would increase output and lower government borrow – domestic and external.

The IMF’s website notes: We are supporting our members — especially the most vulnerable — with policy advice, capacity development and, where needed and in coordination with the international community, financial assistance.

Managing Director Kristalina Georgieva stated that “in an uncertain world, more countries are needing more of our support. We are there for them.”

One can only hope that the Fund puts its money where its mouth is but for that to happen the onus is not only on the Fund staff but also on the skills of our economic team leaders.

Copyright Business Recorder, 2026

This article first appeared in the daily Business Recorder on April 13, 2026

Hosting direct rounds of US-Iran engagement in Islamabad was not a small diplomatic achievement. But there is no point pretending that access is the same as resolution.

The talks may have created room for de-escalation, yet they did not produce a breakthrough.

That was always the more realistic outcome. A conflict shaped by four decades of mistrust, strategic rivalry, sanctions, nuclear anxieties, and regional proxy politics was never going to be settled in a few intense meetings.

Even so, Pakistan’s foreign policy handling has been better than expected.

It has stayed relevant without becoming reckless, visible without becoming partisan, and engaged without fully surrendering its room for manoeuvre.

In a polarised region, that is not nothing. Pakistan is getting global attention for the right reasons, and it is managing, as far as possible, to preserve a degree of neutrality.

But diplomacy should not be romanticised. It can create openings. It cannot, by itself, dissolve contradictions that have been hardening for decades.

The ceasefire, therefore remains fragile. That is the real point. The world economy cannot indefinitely function with the Strait of Hormuz hanging over it as a live geopolitical choke point.

Even if shipping is not fully halted, the threat alone is enough to keep energy markets nervous, freight costs elevated, and inflation expectations unsettled.

Pakistan may have helped lower the immediate temperature, but it cannot impose a settlement on powers whose core red lines still clash.

This limited diplomatic success has nevertheless given the government some badly needed public oxygen after years of political fatigue.

That is precisely why this is the moment for sobriety, not exuberance. Foreign policy gains can improve optics. They do not fix macroeconomic fragility.

As the regional conflict lingers, Pakistan’s economic exposure is becoming more pronounced.

Oil prices are likely to remain elevated, second-round inflationary effects are bound to build, and the external account remains vulnerable at a time when large repayments and rollover dependencies are still part of the story.

This is not the moment for premature populist relief on petroleum prices, especially without fixing the refinery pricing formula.

Artificially suppressing prices may buy temporary applause, but it worsens fiscal strain, delays adjustment, and deepens distortions.

When the state is already under pressure, cosmetic relief becomes an expensive indulgence. Belts need to be tightened, not loosened for the sake of a few easy headlines.

Foreign policy also takes time to pay economic dividends. Domestic vulnerabilities, by contrast, demand immediate attention.

Pakistan’s relations with the UAE may be diplomatically sound, but that does not reduce economic dependence.

The country is repaying around $3.5 billion to the UAE while also managing other large external obligations, including the Eurobond repayment.

That creates a real financing gap. Reports that Saudi support may help fill part of that space are certainly reassuring at face value, but replacement financing is not the same thing as stronger fundamentals.

If one deposit is merely replaced by another, or if support comes in the familiar form of safe deposits and deferred oil facilities, then the structure of vulnerability remains intact.

The hole may be plugged, but the balance sheet does not become healthier.

The real gain would come only if fresh support arrives in a form that improves the quality of external financing, whether through longer-duration flows, actual investment, or inflows that reduce dependence on short-term political goodwill.

Even then, another problem emerges: concentration risk. Pakistan is already too dependent on a narrow set of friendly capitals for external comfort.

More reliance may feel stabilising in the short run, but it also makes the economy more hostage to external relationships over which it has limited control.

The remittance channel is another source of concern. The UAE accounts for a large share of Pakistan’s remittance inflows, and any disruption in labour market access there would quickly become a balance-of-payments issue here.

There are already anecdotal concerns around visa restrictions and labour market tightening.

Even if the picture is still unclear, the risk should not be dismissed.

More than a million Pakistanis work in the UAE. If a meaningful number return home, or if new worker outflows slow sharply, Pakistan would have to absorb that pressure in an economy already struggling with weak job creation, low private-sector dynamism, and limited room for self-employment.

The economic impact would be significant. The social impact would be worse.

That is the broader lesson. Better foreign policy can bring Pakistan into the limelight for the right reasons, but visibility is not strength.

Diplomatic traction does not substitute for fiscal consolidation, structural reform, or internal economic coherence.

Without those, the problems of 240 million people will not ease in any durable way. The government appears to have regained some public support.

It would be foolish to waste it on self-congratulation. This is the time to use that space to restore internal cohesion, impose fiscal discipline, and push a reform agenda while the opening still exists.

Copyright Business Recorder, 2026

This article first appeared in the daily Business Recorder on April 13, 2026

The shortfall in revenues has come after an outstanding performance by the FBR in 2024-25.

Total tax revenues reached Rs 11,745 billion, with an extraordinary growth rate of over 26 per cent. Consequently, the tax-to-GDP ratio at the federal level went up from 8.8 per cent of the GDP to 10.2 per cent of the GDP in one year.

The performance in the first three quarters of 2025-26 has fallen significantly short of the target.

The target was Rs 9,917 billion, whereas the actual collection has been Rs 9,307 billion.

This implies a shortfall already of Rs 610 billion, equivalent to 4.4 per cent of the revised downwards annual target of Rs 13,979 billion.

The original target for 2025-26 of FBR revenues was Rs 14,131 billion.

The required growth rate of revenues in 2025-26 to meet the lower revised target is still high at 19 per cent.

This requires a rise in the tax-to-GDP ratio in 2025-26 of 0.9 per cent of the GDP, from 10.2 per cent of the GDP in 2024-25.

As such, the target for 2025-26 remains ambitious.

What is the performance of individual taxes in the first three quarters? We look first at the income tax.

The target for 2025-26 is Rs 6,967 billion, with a required growth rate of 20.3 per cent.

The level of revenues in the first three quarters of 2025-26 is Rs 4,636 billion, with a shortfall of Rs 235 billion. The growth rate achieved is 12 per cent only.

Sales tax revenues are targeted at Rs 4,580 billion in 2025-26, with a growth rate of 17.4 per cent.

During the first three quarters, the tax collection has been Rs 3,104 billion, with a growth rate of 9 per cent. Consequently, the shortfall already is of Rs 313 billion.

The two smaller indirect tax revenues, the customs duty and the excise duty, have not shown much divergence from their targets.

The shortfall in the first three quarters is only Rs 30 billion in the case of customs duty.

Revenues from the excise duty have exceeded the nine-month target by Rs 5 billion.

Both taxes have shown relatively high growth rates in revenues of above 12 per cent.

There is a need to determine the extent to which the overall shortfall of Rs 610 billion in FBR is due to a divergence from the projected growth rates in the tax bases of different taxes.

The IMF Programme projected growth in the real GDP in 2025-26 is 3.2 per cent.

This growth rate has, in fact, been exceeded in the first two quarters, with the actual growth rate at 3.7 per cent.

The rate of inflation has been somewhat lower at 5.7 per cent, as compared to the projected growth rate of 6.3 per cent.

The tax base of imports has also shown lower growth, with the USD value increasing by 8.0 per cent, as compared to the target growth rate of 8.5 per cent.

There is a major deviation in the projection of one key determinant of the size of the tax base of the customs duty and the sales tax on imports.

The IMF projection for 2025-26 is that the value of the rupee will fall by over 12 per cent by the end of June 2026. However, in the first nine months, there has been no decline.

Adjustment for the lack of depreciation in the value of the rupee implies that the large shortfall of Rs 313 billion in sales tax revenues is largely due to the lower rupee value of imports.

This has probably also contributed to lower revenues from some withholding taxes in the income tax.

There is a need to assess the likely outcome in the fourth quarter of 2025-26 of FBR revenues.

The commencement of the Middle East war prior to the start of this quarter has resulted in a big rise in the level of uncertainty about the global and national economy.

There could be shortages of imports if the stoppage of traffic continues in the Strait of Hormuz.

However, import prices are significantly higher for oil and other imports.

As such, it is not clear what the level of revenues from the sales tax on imports and customs duty will be in the fourth quarter of 2025-26.

The good news is that the highest-yielding tax base of large-scale manufacturing has been performing well.

It has shown a growth rate of 10.5 per cent in January 2026 and 5.8 per cent in the first seven months.

If this high growth persists, then it could also facilitate faster growth in revenues from income tax and sales tax on domestic production.

Finally, the preparations for the federal budget of 2026-27 will start shortly.

The IMF projection is only for a marginal increase in the federal tax-to-GDP ratio of 0.1 per cent of the GDP in relation to the target level in 2025-26.

However, with the likely shortfall of over Rs 900 billion in 2025-26, a bigger increase will be required.

An appropriate FBR revenue target for 2026-27 is close to Rs 14,500 billion, implying a target growth rate of over 12 per cent in a relatively uncertain environment.

The IMF Programme also envisages a significant increase in the provincial tax-to-GDP ratio from 0.9 per cent of the GDP in 2025-26 to 1.3 per cent of the GDP in 2026-27.

Clearly, the taxation measures in the forthcoming provincial budgets will be of greater importance.

Efforts will have to be made by the provincial governments to develop the agricultural income tax, property-related taxes and the sales tax on services.

Copyright Business Recorder, 2026

This article first appeared in the daily Business Recorder on April 7, 2026

“I sometimes wonder whether the Western media’s attempt to black out some words or give a twist to a report that does not quite capture the spirit of an event….why are you laughing?”

“Because Western media these days is not only not capturing the spirit of any event but also the letter – the coverage of the Gaza genocide…”

“Fair enough, but I am baffled. Europe has one of the highest literacy rates in the world, and yet they blocked Russian Television four years ago because, perhaps, they thought that their literate populations are unable to distinguish between truth and…”

“Propaganda wars are ongoing concurrently with real wars so perhaps they reckon that…”

“Gotcha, but today all those engaged in actual wars are also engaged in propaganda wars – see wars have not changed dramatically in terms of ammunition used – drones and missiles as opposed to air power – I hope we have adjusted…”

“Back off – anyway, there are some countries that are more equal than others in terms of launching wars – actual, propaganda wars, and the use of expletives is a new weapon that President Trump…”

“Speaking of some countries being more equal than others, let me quote Mark Twain to you – he said under certain circumstances, profanity provides a relief denied even to prayer.”

“That makes sense because I heard there is a regular prayer meet at the White House.”

“Hmmm, let me quote Kurt Vonnegut, an American author who wrote that profanity and obscenity entitle people who don’t want unpleasant information to close their ears and eyes to you.”

“So the Iranians…”

“Make of that what you will, the language of diplomacy, however, militates against the use of profanity or obscenity.”

“But the head of government is normally not a diplomat, right…”

“Neither is a titular head of Defence.”

“Titular like The Khwaja who has used expletives or the actual as in…in…”

“The Chairman of the Pakistan Cricket Board?”

“Yep, though the two US diplomats shuttling from one conflict zone to another are kinda…”

“Have never uttered an expletive publicly.”

“True anyway, I have not missed a single Mel Brooks movie, who said I have been accused of vulgarity, I say that’s bull sh…”

“Shush.”

Copyright Business Recorder, 2026

The article first appeared in the daily Business Recorder on April 7, 2026

International accounting firms, financial analysts and media will never look at this side of the picture as that contradicts and conflicts with their economic interests. However, after working in different spheres of finance and politics the author is almost sure that whatever is happening and whatever is expected to happen in future irrespective of the result of the war which the USA started on February 28, 2026.

Even the remote possibility of the complete devastation of Iran and a change of regime will not change the ‘course of events’.

The following four (4) arguments are relevant to the conclusion made in the end:

a. Oil-rich Middle Eastern countries — primarily Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Qatar, and Kuwait — have invested roughly USD3.7 trillion to over USD5 trillion in foreign assets through their sovereign wealth funds (SWFs).

These funds invest globally in tech, sports, banking, and infrastructure to diversify revenue away from oil. Sovereign wealth funds from Gulf countries manage about one-third of global state fund assets, often acting as “white knights” for companies in the West.

Investments are heavily focused on Western companies (e.g., Uber, Boeing, Nintendo) and large-scale projects.

Key players, which include the Saudi Public Investment Fund (PIF), Qatar Investment Authority (QIA), and Abu Dhabi Investment Authority (ADIA), which are actively expanding their global portfolios.

b. Qatar holds extensive ownership of luxury London hotels, primarily through state-backed entities like the Qatar Investment Authority (QIA) and Katara Hospitality, holding over £100 billion in British assets.

Top holdings include The Ritz (£800m), Savoy, Connaught, Grosvenor House, and the upcoming Chancery Rosewood, plus iconic assets like Harrods.

The details and value are: The Ritz London: sold to a Qatari investor for approximately £800 million in 2020.

The Chancery Rosewood: part of a huge redevelopment of the former US Embassy in Mayfair, acquired by Qatari Diar for ~£500m in 2009.

c. Following the start of the conflict on February 28, 2026, the UAE faced significant financial pressure, with Dubai and Abu Dhabi stock markets losing a combined USD120 billion in value within the first month.

While there were reports of increased wealth movement toward Switzerland — with cash held by UAE-based individuals in Swiss banks rising by 40 per cent — and some investors moving assets to Singapore/Hong Kong, specific figures for capital transferred from Dubai to London are not explicitly quantified in the provided search results.

Key financial impacts and capital movements identified following February 28, 2026, include:

i. The Dubai Financial Market General Index dropped by about 16 per cent in the month following the war’s start.

ii. Wealthy individuals began re-evaluating their positions in the Gulf, shifting focus to safe-haven jurisdictions, with a noted 40 per cent increase in funds linked to UAE-based individuals moving to Swiss banks.

iii. While some investors were re-evaluating risks, some analysts indicated this was a “recalibration of risk” rather than a massive, immediate capital flight.

iv. Banks in the Gulf faced a potential USD307 billion deposit flight risk if the conflict continued to worsen, according to S&P reports from mid-March 2026.

v. In response to the economic disruption, Dubai announced a USD270 million relief package on March 30, 2026, to support businesses and residents.

d. BlackRock announced that it was restricting withdrawals from its flagship $26 billion HPS Corporate Lending Fund (HLEND) on March 6, 2026. Investors sought to withdraw 9.3 per cent of their holdings (roughly USD1.2 billion) in the first quarter of 2026, which exceeded the fund’s 5 per cent quarterly limit.

BlackRock enforced the 5 per cent cap, paying out approximately USD620 million but locking the remaining withdrawal requests.

This was done to protect the fund from having to sell illiquid, long-term private credit loans at a loss during a period of market volatility.

The concept the author intends to present would be easier to describe with reference to cases (a) and (b) above. Qatar owns a USD 1 billion Hotel in London by the name of The Ritz.

(To be continued tomorrow)

Copyright Business Recorder, 2026

This article first appeared in the daily Business Recorder on April 5, 2026

Global benchmarks had risen for weeks while the government artificially held prices without the fiscal buffers to sustain subsidies. But the policy mix is wrong.

During an external shock, petroleum levies, climate levies, and customs duties should, at a minimum, be frozen.

The government’s failure to do so reflects a deeper failure to broaden the tax base, leaving fuel consumers to shoulder the fiscal burden.

The pricing methodology is equally flawed. With roughly 75 per cent of diesel produced locally, benchmarking against imported diesel (FOB Platts) inflates prices and generates windfall refinery margins.

A crude-based benchmark would be more appropriate, but the government did not take that step.

Petrol is up 43 per cent from pre-war levels; diesel, 86 per cent.

Both are now the highest in the region in dollar terms. April-June inflation will likely reach 12-14 per cent.

The arithmetic is stark. Last week, the landed price of petrol was USD 140/barrel (Rs246/litre) and HSD USD 262/barrel (Rs460/litre), against a crude oil landed price of around USD 150/barrel.

HSD premiums were extraordinarily high at roughly USD 110/barrel.

If Pakistan imported all its diesel, a full pass-through would be unavoidable. But it does not, as 75 per cent of HSD is locally refined.

Pakistan imports about 85 per cent of its crude and refines it into petrol, diesel, and furnace oil.

At current margins, local refineries are earning roughly USD 110/barrel on diesel, against a normal margin of around USD 10/barrel.

That is a windfall transferred in its entirety to consumers in the form of higher prices.

Refineries will argue that HSD profits offset losses elsewhere: approximately $20/barrel on petrol and USD 50/barrel on furnace oil.

Plus, there are losses on LPG too. Fair enough, but the proportions are wildly skewed.

From a single barrel, Pakistan’s refineries typically yield two units of diesel and one unit each of petrol and furnace oil.

The net windfall is roughly USD 35/barrel, or Rs62/litre.

The government should compensate refineries for losses on petrol and furnace oil, but not allow them to pass through diesel windfalls uncapped.

The question is simple: should refineries be allowed a once-in-a-generation gain at the cost of a spike in inflation for every Pakistani? When posed to the authorities, the response was: we do not want to nationalise refineries.

That is not nationalisation; it is wartime regulation. Moreover, PARCO, the country’s largest refinery, is 60 per cent government-owned.

Pakistan already tightly regulates most of its energy chain. E&P companies, IPPs, and OMCs all operate under regulated margins.

Applying the same logic to refineries during this crisis is neither radical nor unprecedented.

The government worries that altering the pricing formula may disrupt fuel supply.

That risk is manageable: guarantee refineries their normal margins regardless of volatility and cover the downside.

The supply chain stays intact; the inflationary shock is absorbed where it should be.

The math works. Keeping other product prices and levies constant, and regulating refinery margins on locally produced HSD, the blended diesel price, weighted 75 per cent local and 25 per cent import at international prices, could fall from Rs460/litre to around Rs380/litre.

Plus, the government can lower prices by another Rs35/litre through customs duty, most of which is passed on to the refineries.

These measures would be fiscally neutral, and they would prevent the inflationary tsunami that higher diesel prices will unleash across transport, food, and fertiliser costs.

A windfall tax, which the government is now floating, is the wrong instrument.

It will not undo the inflationary damage already baked in, and 60 per cent of any revenue would have to be shared with the provinces.

The parallel with gas policy is instructive. Pakistan prices its domestically produced gas at USD 3-4/MMBtu, a fraction of imported RLNG, and allocates some of it to fertiliser production.

That deliberate policy keeps food security intact at a time when many countries face shortages or pay prohibitive prices.

The same logic applies to diesel, which is largely domestically produced.

Pay market price on the crude you import and recover it from consumers, but do not let refineries capture windfall margins that bear no relation to underlying costs.

Free-market pricing is a peacetime luxury. When the conflict subsides, the government can return to the current formula and pursue deregulation, as the petroleum minister has signalled.

But right now, the priority must be energy and food security, not refinery balance sheets.

Copyright Business Recorder, 2026

The article first appeared in the daily Business Recorder on April 6, 2026

The nature of the hospitality industry reveals that there cannot be a sale at a big premium and even if that can be done the amount collected in cash will be useless in Qatar as the Qataris will not be able to use this fund productively in their own country as they have no population and climate to enjoy the wealth.

The Qataris tried the same by having the FIFA World Cup; however, now 90 per cent of their stadiums are being wasted.

Though the money is available, people are not here to take advantage of that money. If so, the money is useless.

The other example is even clearer. These investment funds own a substantial part of Boeing. The company makes aeroplanes. What is the value of that investment? Is it the market capitalisation at the New York Stock Exchange? Theoretically, it is so; however, in effect, it is a piece of paper and a seat of Chairman on the Board.

The real assets of the company which are (a) technology, (b) manpower, (c) employment and social benefits, (d) intellectual property, etc, would always remain outside the control of these investment funds.

It is, therefore, important to see what real benefit is attained by ME investment funds by being the owner of a company like Boeing.

Whenever there will be a clash of interest in the political sense of ME countries with the west Boeing will not be there.

Even if we assume that over the time 100 per cent of pilots in Emirates would be Emaratis the real question will be ultimate beneficiaries of the facilities being provided by the airline.

This is a universal reality which proves that money, people and civilisation are linked to geography and demography. The value of an asset is only to the extent of its economic realisation.

So for the inevitable reasons the real usefulness of these assets only lies in countries which are climatically and geographically away from Qatar may be Europe, USA, China or India.

For Qatar and the Qataris the benefit can only be there when the asset exists outside Qatar and the Qataris enjoy the same there.

Except that it is useless for the person and the people who generated that or where it was generated.

Ultimately, it will end in banks lockers and economies and people of the west will be benefited.

In this situation the author will value the asset in a different form. As an accountant this valuation method may be called ‘Usefulness in the Country of Origin’ method.

This is an economic reality. In the author’s view that on this measure the value of this USD $ is not more than 10 per cent of the gross value and the remaining 90 percent benefit arising from such wealth will be for people and places different from where it is generated. This is called ‘Virtually Frozen Assets’.

The questions which Middle Eastern investment funds have to ask, ignoring the confusion created by accounting standards and traditional valuation methods, is whether this wealth would ever be useless for the people of their own country whilst living in their own country. Recently, the author visited Doha.

The taxi driver who was a Qatari informed him that almost 90 per cent of the Qataris spend most of their lives in the West.

This number is increasing. For the remaining parts they become a contributor and big spender for high streets in the West supporting their economies. This is a trap of crude capitalism.

One can buy Patek Philippe or Hermes to a limited extent as these commodities do not provide respect and honour which is given to an educated and civilised person in any western society.

The owner of Harrods, Muhammad Al Fayed, is an example. Thus in the end, the result is a farce.

This has happened by past royalties in Europe and Asia.

We should not forget three rich monarchs: the Nizam of Hyderabad (USD 2 billion in 1940), King Farouk of Egypt (USD 2.3 billion) and Reza Shah of Iran (USD 1 billion). Unlike these royalties the wealth referred to in above is not the personal wealth of royalties.

This is the wealth of state investment funds, etc., however, when the substance and utility is examined the result is almost the same.

The royalties referred above left the wealth which at that time was larger than anyone else’s.

This means that like past royalties these Middle Eastern countries are in a trap.

As of early 2026, reports indicate that Saudi Arabia has drastically scaled back — and in some respects, effectively stalled — The Line, the flagship 170-kilometre linear city project within the broader NEOM development project championed by Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman (MBS).

The reason is not only the shortage of funds but the ultimate usefulness.

In the times to come AI will be for the people needing comfort. The Saudis are already living in comfort.

They want luxury, which is not the result of AI. Luxury can only be provided by the natural environment, which is available in abundance in Pakistan’s northern areas, on both sides of the Line of Control, or in Switzerland in Europe. Nature cannot be recreated by science.

Learning from history which is undeniable, it would be better for these funds to completely relook at their real balance sheet.

The answer lies in diversification of investment to places like Pakistan, Iran, Central Asia, China, India and others.

Furthermore, there should be investment in people of disadvantaged countries so that there is a positive political image in case of any political and social upheaval.

Economics and politics have never changed in the manner as has been predicted. So, whatever was taught in Harvard and Cambridge was made useless by one five-foot tall person by the name of Deng Xiaoping.

Pakistan has an opportunity of over USD 200 billion investment and will provide better results than anywhere else in the world. The only thing to change is the lens through which the future is seen; and a correct method of valuation of asset is adopted.

(Concluded)

Copyright Business Recorder, 2026

This article first appeared in the daily Business Recorder on April 6, 2026.

The war involving the United States, Israel and Iran is often framed as a unified campaign to contain Tehran. That narrative is convenient and misleading. What is unfolding is not one war, but three overlapping conflicts, each driven by distinct and often conflicting strategic goals. The result is not coherence, but chaos, with profound consequences for global politics, economic stability and human security.

At its core, this is a conflict defined by divergence. Washington wants to limit escalation. Tel Aviv appears to favour sustained military pressure. Tehran, meanwhile, is not trying to win a conventional war at all. It is reshaping the battlefield by using geography, economics and global risk as tools of leverage.

Understanding these competing agendas is essential to understanding why this war is proving so difficult to end.

Israel’s strategy: deterrence or dominance?

Israel’s approach cannot be viewed in isolation from its broader regional conduct. From Gaza to southern Lebanon and the West Bank, Israeli military doctrine has evolved beyond immediate defence into a wider strategy of dominance.

The scale of destruction in Gaza, the persistence of settlement expansion, and repeated cross-border strikes have reinforced a perception, widely held across the Global South, that Israel is pursuing more than security. Human rights organisations such as Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch have repeatedly raised concerns about disproportionate use of force and violations of international humanitarian law.

What some analysts describe as the concept of “Greater Israel” remains a powerful undercurrent in the thinking of hardline leadership, blurring the line between defence and expansion.

For Israeli policymakers, however, the logic is clear: eliminate threats before they fully materialise. Iran’s so-called nuclear and missile programmes are viewed as existential risks. From that perspective, strikes on strategic infrastructure are framed not as escalation, but necessity.

Yet this strategy has clear limits. Military superiority has not translated into decisive outcomes. Instead, it has entrenched hostility, widened the theatre of conflict, and increased the risk of multi-front escalation, from Hezbollah in Lebanon to maritime tensions in the Gulf.

In effect, Israel’s pursuit of deterrence risks producing the very instability it seeks to prevent.

Israel’s war, America’s burden

The war is increasingly defined by misalignment.

Israel is pursuing its own strategic agenda, even when it diverges from American priorities, while Washington finds itself managing consequences rather than shaping outcomes. This is no longer a quiet concern among analysts. It has entered mainstream political debate in the United States.

A growing number of voices are asking whether this is still America’s war — or whether Washington has been pulled into a conflict driven largely by Israeli decisions.

This is not a unified war. It is a misaligned one. And that misalignment is pushing the region toward deeper instability.

Israel’s agenda: escalation beyond alignment

Israel’s actions across Gaza, Lebanon, Iran and the West Bank reveal a consistent pattern: decisive, often pre-emptive, and at times indifferent to broader strategic consequences.

The war in Gaza remains the clearest example. Tens of thousands of Palestinians have been killed, according to UN-linked estimates, with civilians making up a significant share. Entire neighbourhoods have been destroyed, and humanitarian conditions continue to deteriorate.

Beyond Gaza, Israel has expanded its operational scope. Strikes in Lebanon risk opening a second front, while settlement expansion in the West Bank continues to entrench control over occupied territory.

More significantly, Israel has demonstrated a willingness to escalate even when the United States signals caution, raising a fundamental question: if Israel is setting the pace, is Washington still leading, or merely reacting?

Washington’s dilemma: following rather than leading

For the United States, this creates a strategic imbalance.

Washington’s priorities are clear: avoid a wider regional war, protect global energy flows, and prevent long-term military entanglement. Yet developments on the ground suggest these priorities are being steadily undermined.

Backchannel diplomacy involving Egypt, Turkiye, and Pakistan reflects ongoing efforts to contain the conflict. But events continue to move in the opposite direction.

Inside the United States, criticism is no longer marginal, it is structural.

Lawmakers such as Bernie Sanders and Chris Murphy have openly questioned both the morality and strategic logic of continued support. Congressional unease is growing, with calls for ceasefire pressure and reassessment of US involvement.

But the political strain extends far beyond Capitol Hill.

A widening divide in American politics

The implications are increasingly visible across American society, and increasingly costly for Donald Trump.

Rising fuel prices, inflation and economic uncertainty have turned foreign policy into a domestic liability. For many Americans, the war is no longer a distant geopolitical contest; it is shaping everyday life.

At the same time, Trump is facing mounting political backlash. Across the United States and internationally, protest movements, most notably the No Kings rallies, have emerged as a visible expression of public anger. These demonstrations reflect a broader frustration with war-driven policies, perceptions of unchecked power, and the human cost of prolonged conflict.

The protests are not isolated. They are part of a deeper rupture in political consensus.

Within conservative circles, questions are being raised about whether US involvement serves national interests or primarily reinforces Israeli objectives. Among Democrats, calls to limit war powers and push for de-escalation are gaining urgency.

If the conflict continues or expands, the political consequences could intensify. A prolonged war risks eroding public support, fracturing bipartisan consensus, and complicating Trump’s political future at a critical moment.

Iran’s strategy: retaliation, control and economic pressure

Iran has responded with a calibrated but high-impact strategy.

Rather than limiting its actions to Israel, Tehran has expanded strikes across the region, targeting US bases in the Gulf. This raises the risk of a wider war while drawing additional actors into the conflict.

At the same time, Iran is leveraging geography. The Strait of Hormuz remains its most powerful strategic asset, carrying roughly 20 per cent of global oil supply.

Recent developments suggest Tehran is experimenting with tighter operational control near key shipping lanes, signalling its ability to disrupt global trade without engaging in full-scale war.

This dual strategy carries serious implications: It increases the likelihood of regional expansion; it exposes vulnerabilities in US defence commitments; and it raises doubts among Gulf allies about long-term security guarantees.

Credibility is central to deterrence. Once questioned, the balance begins to shift.

The economic fallout is already visible. Oil prices have surged, shipping costs have risen, and analysts warn of a potential global energy shock with far-reaching consequences.

A conflict shaped by one dominant agenda

What makes this conflict particularly dangerous is its imbalance.

The United States seeks containment.

Iran seeks retaliation and leverage.

Israel is pursuing a broader strategy of military dominance and regional reshaping.

These agendas do not align.

As a result, the conflict is not moving towards resolution. It is drifting towards expansion.

The imperative for recalibration

If current trends continue, the risks will deepen. The war could expand across multiple fronts. Economic shocks could intensify. Political divisions, especially in the United States, could widen further.

At the centre of this crisis lies a fundamental question: Can an alliance function when one partner sets the course, and the other absorbs the consequences?

The longer this war continues, the clearer the answer becomes. Military power can drive escalation, but it cannot align competing agendas.

Only diplomacy can do that.

But diplomacy requires control, and control requires alignment.

At present, neither exists.

The writer is a seasoned journalist covering the economy and international affairs.

The objective of this article is to highlight first the macroeconomic trends since July 2025 up to February 2026.

This is then followed by identification of the types and extent of changes in trends following the commencement of the war in the Middle East.

The economy has demonstrated significant improvement up to now in 2025-26, compared to the outcomes in 2024-25.

The first indicator is that of the GDP growth rate. It was 3.1 per cent in 2024-25. Already, in the first quarter of 2025-26, the GDP growth rate has risen to 3.7 per cent.

Forecasts made by the Planning Commission and international agencies are that the growth rate for the full year of 2025-26 may approach 4 per cent.

This is based particularly on the much better performance of the industrial sector.

The growth rate of the industrial sector was as high as 9.4 per cent in the first quarter of 2025-26.

The Quantum Index of Manufacturing indicates that the sector has achieved a growth rate of almost 6 per cent in the first seven months of 2025-26.

A proxy indicator of the overall rate of economic growth is the rate of increase in the broad-based consumption of POL products across the economy. According to the Oil Companies Advisory Committee (OCAC), this has increased by as much as 7.6 per cent in the first seven months of 2025-26.

The overall level of investment is also beginning to show recovery from the slump in the last three years.

Three indicators are revealing that this is happening.

First, bank credit to the private sector in the first eight months of 2025-26 has shown a phenomenal growth of over 85 per cent.

Second, imports of machinery in the first seven months have increased by almost 13 per cent.

Third, development spending by the federal and provincial governments has jumped up by almost 25 per cent in the first half of 2025-26.

The rate of inflation had come down to only 4.5 percent in 2024-25.

Fortunately, it has continued at a single-digit rate in the first eight months of 2025-26.

There is evidence of some acceleration in the rate of inflation, while remaining single-digit, from 4.1 per cent in July 2025 to 7 per cent in February 2026.

The core rate of inflation has averaged 7.1 per cent up to now in 2025-26.

There is a budgetary surplus of Rs 541 billion in the combined budgets of the federal and the provincial governments in the first half of 2025-26.

This has been facilitated by the lumpy transfer by the SBP of profits of Rs 2428 billion.

The area of concern is the slow growth rate in FBR revenues of 9.5 per cent, as compared to the target growth rate of 18.7 per cent.

The balance of payments has remained manageable from July 2025 to February 2026.

There has been a small current deficit of USD700 million as compared to the projection of a deficit of USD2 billion in the whole of 2025-26. February actually saw a surplus.

The financial account surplus has almost doubled to USD 1,220 million.

Combined with the net inflow of IMF credit, reserves have risen to the relatively high level of USD 16,438 million. These reserves provide import cover for 2.8 months.

Therefore, Pakistan is in a better position to manage a negative shock due to the Middle East war.

Also, the country has the umbrella of an ongoing IMF Programme with a loan of USD7.2 billion by the end of 2027.

The good news is that the third review of the Programme has concluded successfully.

We turn now to the likely changes in the positive trends highlighted above due to the economic consequences of the ongoing war in the Middle East.

There are various scenarios. The most negative scenario is where the war continues, like the Ukraine-Russia War, and there remains a restriction on the movement of ships by Iran in the Strait of Hormuz.

A more positive scenario is that negotiations start between the USA and Iran, leading eventually to a ceasefire and partial opening of the Strait of Hormuz.

We look at the likely outcome in the last quarter of 2025-26 of economic variables in Pakistan in the negative scenario.

The big impact of the restricted availability of crude oil and POL products is on the GDP growth rate.

Particular sectors of the economy with larger fuel inputs will be impacted relatively more.

These sectors have been identified from the Sector Input-Output Table of Pakistan, prepared by the PBS.

The transport input is relatively large in sectors like crop production, manufacture of food products and textiles, wholesale and retail trade, education and public administration and defence.

The largest input of transport is in education, equivalent to 36 per cent of the total national input.

Other sectors which are relatively dependent on fuel inputs are the manufacture of food products and textiles, with shares respectively of 14 per cent and 10 per cent.

The lack of access to imported LNG will hit most the fertiliser, cement and textile industries and the power sector. Units in the textile industry use gas for captive power generation. Further, the limited access to crude oil will reduce the output from POL plants in the country.

Based on the identification of the above activities more vulnerable to reduced availability of oil imports, it is estimated that with a 10 per cent reduction in access to fuel inputs, the loss to the GDP will be close to 2 per cent.

As such, in this scenario, there is likely to be a sharp decline in the GDP growth rate in the fourth quarter of 2025-26 and in subsequent quarters.

The next impact focused on is the rate of inflation. The initial jump in the price of motor spirit and HSD oil is close to 20 per cent after the rise in price per litre of Rs 55.

This adjustment was linked to a price of Brent crude of USD94 per barrel soon after the start of the war. Earlier, the price had been USD64 per barrel.

The price of crude oil has continued to escalate and is USD112 per barrel currently.

Projections are that if the global shortage is large and persistent, then the price could rise to USD150 per barrel. This will mean a further escalation in price per litre of over Rs 100 per litre.

There is a dual impact of the rise in POL prices. The first is the direct impact on consumption expenditure of households, and the second impact is via the rise in transport costs of goods, especially food items.

The weight of transport in the CPI is 5.9 per cent. As such, the escalation of fuel prices by Rs 55 per litre has added almost 1.2 percentage points directly to the rate of inflation.

The broader impact on prices of a wide range of consumer goods is larger.

According to the Input-Output table, a 20 per cent escalation in fuel prices leads to an increase of almost 4 percentage points in the CPI.

Therefore, already the rate of inflation is likely to be higher by 5 percentage points.

The rate of inflation prior to the war was 7 per cent. Therefore, Pakistan is likely to experience double-digit inflation once again.

Turning to the impact on the external balance of payments, this is likely to include the rise in the import bill, some fall in remittances to Pakistan from the Middle East and some decline in exports, depending upon the extent of loss of competitiveness.

The rise in the monthly fuel import bill has been estimated at the current price of USD112 per barrel of Brent crude.

This could add over USD1.0 billion monthly to the imports of petroleum products, crude and LNG.

The remittances may also be negatively impacted. Almost 55 per cent of the global remittances by Pakistani workers are from the Middle East, with Saudi Arabia as the largest source.

The economies in the Middle East can be characterised still as one-product economics.

For example, oil exports by Saudi Arabia are 80 per cent of the total exports and exports are 20 per cent of the GDP.

Therefore, even a 10 per cent decline in the value of exports of oil due to the restrictions in the Strait of Hormuz would reduce the GDP of Saudi Arabia by almost 2 per cent, equivalent to USD25 billion.

The consequent economic recession could lead to a reduction in labour demand and a drop in remittances to Pakistan by our workers in Saudi Arabia. This could also happen in other countries.

A less emphasised negative impact is on exports. Countries will have to focus on how higher prices of POL products impact their export competitiveness, due particularly to a rise in transport and input costs.

There is a need to see what the current POL prices are in countries competing with Pakistan, especially in textile exports, after the recent price adjustments following the commencement of the war.

The prices per litre of gasoline and HSD oil in selected countries are given below in Table 1.

==========================================

                       Table 1                    

==========================================

Fuel Prices in Selected Countries - (USD per litre)

            (as of 23rd of March, 2026)

==========================================

Countries     Gasoline Price         HSD Oil Price

Bangladesh    0.978                           0.815

India         1.080                           0.967

Pakistan      1.151                           1.203

Vietnam       0.987                           1.035

==========================================

The table reveals that the prices are the highest in Pakistan. For example, the price of HSD oil in Bangladesh is 33 per cent lower than in Pakistan.

The overall impact on the size of the current account deficit in the fourth quarter of 2025-26 will be an increase in the deficit by up to USD5 to USD6 billion.

This will need to be managed by the adoption of a market-based exchange rate policy and by linking interest rates to the rate of inflation.

Physical controls may also have to be brought back on imports of automobiles, which have increased by 87 per cent in the first seven months of 2025-26.

This brings us finally to some recommendations. First, there is a need to focus on strong and sustainable measures for restricting the consumption of POL products in the presence of supply constraints.

Second, an appropriate fuel allocation policy must be finalised. Third, mechanisms for providing some relief on a sustained basis need to be identified and implemented.

The federal government has partly insulated consumers by provision of subsidy of Rs 100 billion with diversion of funds from the development programme.

However, lower prices will be difficult to sustain unless there are strong efforts to contain current expenditure and provincial governments also contribute to the subsidy.

The incidence of taxes on high income households also needs to be raised, as has been done in the case of high-octane. There should be an agreement with the IMF for an appropriate increase in the budget deficit, to facilitate the provision of relief in the form of targeted subsidies.

We hope that the consequences of the Middle East war will not lead to a significant reduction in the size of GDP, a jump in the rate of inflation and a big increase in the current account deficit of Pakistan in 2026, thereby implying greater external vulnerability.

Also, we pray that Pakistan’s mediation efforts are successful and the war comes to an end.

Copyright Business Recorder, 2026

This article first appeared in Business Recorder on 31-03-2026

But oil markets are not governed by supply alone, especially in times of war. They are shaped by perception, risk, and strategy. And in that arena, Iran is playing a very different game.

The uncomfortable reality for policymakers in Washington is that this waiver may soften the edges of the crisis, but it is unlikely to resolve it. Tehran’s objective is not to maximise exports. It is to maximise pressure.

A conflict engineered to spread economic pain

Since the outbreak of direct confrontation involving Israel and the U.S., Iran’s response has been calculated and asymmetric. Rather than matching force conventionally, it has targeted the arteries of the global economy, including energy infrastructure, shipping lanes, and regional stability.

The escalation around the South Pars gas field, shared with Qatar and forming part of the world’s largest natural gas reserve, marked a turning point. What was once a regional conflict has evolved into a systemic threat to global energy security.

By threatening flows through the Strait of Hormuz, a narrow passage that carries roughly one-fifth of the world’s oil and a significant share of liquefied natural gas, Iran has effectively turned geography into leverage. Its message is simple. If it cannot export oil freely, the world may not either.

Energy analysts warn that if disruptions persist, prices could spike sharply, with some cautioning that oil could move towards extreme levels under worst-case scenarios.

Prices tell the real story

The numbers already reflect the scale of the shock. Before the conflict escalated in late February, Brent crude hovered near 60 dollars a barrel. Within weeks, it surged past 100 dollars, with spikes approaching 110. That is an increase of more than 50 per cent.

Natural gas markets have reacted even more sharply. European benchmark prices have climbed to multi-year highs, while in the U.S., gasoline prices have risen by roughly 25 to 30 per cent, feeding directly into inflation and household costs.

This is not just volatility. It is systemic stress. Rising energy prices ripple across economies, pushing up manufacturing costs, transport expenses, and food prices. Growth forecasts are being revised downward, while central banks face renewed pressure to contain inflation.

This is precisely the environment Iran appears to be cultivating, one where the economic cost of war becomes politically difficult for its adversaries to sustain.

Why Iran may not fully use the waiver

At first glance, the U.S. assumption seems straightforward. More Iranian oil should help lower prices. But this overlooks Tehran’s incentives.

Even with sanctions eased, logistical constraints remain. Shipping routes are under threat, insurance costs for tankers have surged, and the risk premium on Gulf energy flows remains elevated.

More importantly, Iran benefits from tight markets. Elevated prices strain Western economies, fuel inflation, and create political pressure, particularly in sensitive election periods.

In such a scenario, Iran does not need to maximise exports. It only needs to maintain uncertainty. And uncertainty keeps prices high.

The global economy under strain

The ripple effects are already visible across major economies.

In Europe, industrial heavyweights like Germany and Italy face renewed energy pressure, reviving fears of a slowdown. The United Kingdom, heavily reliant on gas-fired electricity, is particularly exposed to rising gas prices.

In Asia, vulnerability is even sharper. Japan depends almost entirely on imported energy, much of it routed through Hormuz, while India imports around 85 to 90 per cent of its crude, leaving it exposed to both price shocks and currency stress.

For more fragile economies such as Pakistan and Sri Lanka, the consequences are severe. These include fuel shortages, inflation spikes, and emergency economic measures.

Gulf States: caught in the crossfire

Even energy-rich Gulf states are not immune.

Countries like Kuwait, Bahrain, and Qatar face a paradox. Prices are high, but exports are constrained due to security risks and disrupted routes. In some cases, energy infrastructure has come under direct threat, further complicating supply flows.

At the same time, tourism, a key pillar of economic diversification in the Gulf, is taking a hit. Regional instability is deterring travel, disrupting aviation networks, and weakening investor confidence.

The broader economic model of the Gulf, built on stability, connectivity, and reliable energy exports, is now under strain.

A shrinking toolkit in Washington

The U.S. waiver on Iranian oil does not stand alone. It follows earlier moves to ease restrictions on other oil supplies and relax domestic shipping rules. This suggests that Washington’s economic toolkit is being stretched.

Yet the effectiveness of these measures remains limited. Energy markets respond not just to supply volumes but to geopolitical risk. As long as the Strait of Hormuz remains vulnerable and regional tensions persist, additional barrels are unlikely to stabilise prices in a meaningful way.

Strategy outweighs supply

The central flaw in the current approach lies in treating this as a conventional supply shock. It is not. This is a strategic disruption that is being sustained and amplified.

Iran is not simply reacting to war. It is reshaping the economic battlefield. By keeping markets on edge, it increases the global cost of conflict and shifts pressure onto its adversaries.

In that context, the sanctions waiver may offer temporary relief, but it does not change the underlying dynamics. Iran does not need to maximise exports to benefit. It only needs to maintain instability.

Until the geopolitical conditions for stability are restored, global energy markets will remain hostage, not just to supply, but to strategy.

The writer is a seasoned journalist covering the economy and international affairs.

In today’s globalised economy, wars rarely remain confined to the battlefield. The current conflict threatens to disrupt energy markets, destabilise Gulf economies and place millions of migrant workers at risk. These developments could directly shake Pakistan’s fragile economic foundation.

Gulf instability and the Pakistani diaspora

The first and most immediate impact is being felt across the Gulf economies, particularly Saudi Arabia, United Arab Emirates, Qatar, Bahrain and Kuwait, which host millions of Pakistani workers.

Iran’s retaliatory strategy has already expanded beyond direct confrontation with Israel. Missile and drone attacks targeting US-linked facilities and strategic infrastructure in the Gulf have heightened fears that the conflict could spread across the entire region. Even if large scale destruction is avoided, the threat alone is enough to disrupt investment, energy production and major development projects.

For Pakistan, the stakes are enormous.

Around 2.5 to 3 million Pakistanis live and work in Saudi Arabia, while roughly 1.6 to 1.8 million are employed in the United Arab Emirates. Hundreds of thousands more reside in Qatar, Kuwait and Bahrain. These workers are deeply embedded in the Gulf’s construction, services and energy sectors.

Any economic slowdown triggered by war, whether through security restrictions, falling investment or damaged infrastructure, could quickly affect employment opportunities for migrant labour.

A prolonged conflict could therefore threaten the livelihoods of millions of Pakistani workers abroad.

The remittance lifeline

The vulnerability is not only social but macroeconomic. Overseas Pakistanis send between $30 billion and $35 billion annually back home, making remittances one of Pakistan’s largest and most reliable sources of foreign exchange.

This money supports millions of households, but it also performs a critical function for the national economy. Remittances help stabilise the rupee, strengthen foreign exchange reserves and offset Pakistan’s persistent current account deficit.

A disruption in Gulf labour markets would therefore ripple directly into Pakistan’s economic system. Even a modest decline in remittances could weaken the country’s balance of payments position and place additional pressure on its already strained finances.

Pakistan’s economy remains structurally fragile, characterised by low exports, high external debt and recurring fiscal crises. Remittances have long acted as a financial buffer against these weaknesses.

If Gulf economies slow down due to war, that buffer could quickly erode.

The Strait of Hormuz and the oil shock

Another major shock comes from the disruption of the strategic Strait of Hormuz, the narrow maritime corridor through which roughly a fifth of the world’s oil supply passes.

With tensions escalating and shipping under threat, energy markets have been thrown into turmoil. Oil prices have surged towards 100 dollars per barrel, reflecting fears that supplies from the Gulf could be significantly disrupted.

For Pakistan, a country that imports most of its energy needs, such a surge represents a direct economic blow.

Energy imports already consume a substantial portion of Pakistan’s foreign exchange reserves. Higher global oil prices therefore, translate almost immediately into domestic economic stress.

Fuel prices and inflation pressure

The Pakistani government has already been forced to respond to rising energy costs.

Islamabad recently announced a sharp increase of Rs55 per litre in petrol and diesel prices, one of the largest fuel hikes in recent years. The increase was largely driven by global oil market volatility and concerns about supply disruptions linked to the conflict in the Gulf.

For ordinary Pakistanis, higher fuel prices are never just about petrol.

Transport costs rise, electricity generation becomes more expensive and the price of essential goods quickly follows. Inflation, already a persistent challenge for the country, is likely to accelerate further.

If oil markets remain volatile and prices climb higher, the government may be forced to implement additional fuel price increases. For a population already struggling with the cost of living, such measures could have catastrophic social and political consequences.

A difficult geopolitical dilemma

The crisis also places Pakistan in a complicated diplomatic position.

Islamabad maintains strong historical and strategic ties with Saudi Arabia, including defence cooperation agreements and long-standing military collaboration. Pakistani officers have served in Saudi defence structures, and the two countries have often supported each other in times of crisis. Above all, Pakistan and Saudi Arabia signed a Strategic Mutual Defence Agreement, which formalises decades of security cooperation and establishes a framework for collective defence.

If the conflict expands and Gulf states become more deeply involved, Pakistan could face pressure to provide military or logistical support to Riyadh.

Such involvement would carry serious political risks.

On one hand, supporting Saudi Arabia would reinforce Pakistan’s strategic partnership with the Gulf, a relationship that brings financial assistance, energy supplies and employment opportunities for millions of Pakistanis.

On the other hand, entering a conflict that pits Saudi Arabia and the United States against Iran could create significant regional complications. Pakistan shares a long border with Iran and maintains complex diplomatic, economic and sectarian sensitivities tied to Tehran.

Direct involvement could inflame internal tensions while complicating Pakistan’s already delicate regional diplomacy.

Walking a strategic tightrope

For Pakistan, the expanding Middle Eastern war highlights a difficult strategic reality. The country’s economic stability is closely tied to the Gulf, yet its geopolitical environment requires careful balancing between competing regional powers.

If the US Israel Iran conflict widens further, Pakistan will face three simultaneous challenges. It must protect its diaspora, safeguard the flow of remittances and avoid entanglement in a broader regional war.

In an interconnected world, distant conflicts often have immediate consequences. For Pakistan, the stakes are far higher than geography might suggest. A war unfolding thousands of kilometres away could reshape the country’s economic stability, energy security and foreign policy choices for years to come.

The writer is a seasoned journalist covering the economy and international affairs.

The government has justified the hike by citing rising international oil prices triggered by conflict in the Middle East. That explanation is partly valid.

Pakistan imports the majority of its petroleum and is therefore vulnerable to global supply disruptions.

But the deeper problem lies not in the crisis itself — it lies in the country’s chronic lack of preparedness and policy choices that amplify the pain for ordinary citizens.

The hidden tax in every litre

One of the most overlooked aspects of Pakistan’s fuel pricing is the massive tax component embedded in the final price.

Even before the latest hike, the government was already collecting significant revenue through the petroleum levy and other charges on every litre of fuel.

In fact, the latest adjustment reportedly includes an additional Rs20 per litre increase in the petroleum levy, pushing the government’s total tax collection on petrol to roughly Rs120 per litre when all taxes and duties are combined.

For ordinary consumers, this means a substantial portion of the pump price reflects government revenue rather than the actual cost of oil.

Over the past two years, Pakistan’s reliance on petroleum levy has grown dramatically, with annual collections projected to reach over Rs1.4 trillion.

Fuel has effectively become one of the state’s most dependable revenue streams.

This growing dependence on fuel taxation raises serious concerns about whether price hikes are driven purely by global market pressures or by the government’s fiscal needs.

The strategic weakness few talk about

Another alarming issue is Pakistan’s limited capacity to maintain strategic oil reserves.

Unlike many countries that store petroleum for several months to cushion sudden market shocks, Pakistan typically maintains stocks for only a few weeks.

This leaves the country extremely vulnerable whenever global supply routes face disruption — particularly in regions like the Strait of Hormuz, through which a significant portion of the world’s oil supply passes.

Without sufficient stockpiles, Pakistan has little choice but to react immediately to international price spikes.

The absence of long-term strategic reserves means that every geopolitical crisis quickly turns into a domestic economic crisis.

Countries with large petroleum reserves can absorb temporary price shocks and stabilise domestic markets. Pakistan, however, lacks that buffer.

Inflation’s domino effect

Fuel price increases never remain confined to petrol pumps.

Diesel powers Pakistan’s transport network and much of its agricultural machinery.

When diesel becomes more expensive, transportation costs increase, food prices rise, and inflation spreads across the economy.

A Rs55 increase, therefore, does not just affect motorists.

It impacts farmers transporting crops, truckers delivering goods, small businesses moving supplies, and ultimately households already struggling with rising living costs.

Shared sacrifice — or selective sacrifice?

What makes the situation more difficult for many citizens to accept is the perception that economic sacrifices are not being shared equally.

If the situation were truly as difficult as described, critics argue that the government could have considered alternative measures before passing the full burden onto consumers.

For example, authorities could have reduced or temporarily suspended fuel allowances for government officials, limited the use of large-engine official vehicles, or imposed restrictions on luxury cars with engine capacities such as 2600cc or 3500cc.

Such measures would at least signal that the state is willing to curb its own consumption before asking the public to absorb higher costs.

Instead, the perception persists that while citizens are asked to pay more at the pump, the culture of official privilege remains largely untouched.

A structural failure, not just a crisis

The government has framed the price hike as a temporary response to extraordinary circumstances.

But the truth is that Pakistan’s energy vulnerability has been decades in the making.

The country still lacks meaningful strategic oil reserves, sufficient domestic refining capacity, robust public transport systems, and serious energy diversification.

Without these reforms, every geopolitical shock — whether war, shipping disruption, or currency depreciation — will continue to trigger sudden and painful price increases.

A warning for the future

The Rs55 petrol hike may be explained as a response to global turbulence, but it also serves as a warning.

Pakistan’s energy policy remains reactive, tax-heavy, and structurally fragile.

Until the country builds strategic reserves, reduces its dependence on fuel taxation, and invests seriously in energy security, the same cycle will repeat.

Each global crisis will bring the same announcement, the same justification — and ultimately the same outcome: the bill is handed to the Pakistani public.

The writer is a seasoned journalist covering the economy and international affairs.

What began as decades of mistrust, ideological hostility and strategic rivalry has gradually developed into open military confrontation, with consequences that reach far beyond the Middle East.

The situation is no longer limited to political speeches, economic sanctions or indirect clashes through regional allies.

Instead, it now carries the risk of sustained warfare between powerful states, each with advanced military capabilities and strong international connections.

Although the fighting is centred in one region, its economic and political shockwaves are being felt across continents.

In today’s interconnected world, no major conflict remains local for long.

The conflict has unsettled financial markets, disrupted trade routes, deepened global political divisions and raised fears of a wider war that could involve additional countries.

For nations such as Pakistan, which lie close to the theatre of conflict and maintain relations with multiple sides, the crisis presents serious security risks as well as complex diplomatic challenges.

The roots of the confrontation stretch back many years. After the 1979 Islamic Revolution in Iran, relations between Iran and the United States deteriorated sharply.

The revolution replaced a pro-Western monarchy with an Islamic system that strongly opposed American influence in the region.

In response, Washington imposed sanctions and pursued policies designed to isolate Tehran.

Over time, mistrust hardened into open hostility. Diplomatic relations were severed, and both sides frequently accused each other of destabilising the Middle East.

Israel, for its part, has long viewed Iran’s nuclear ambitions and missile development as existential threats.

Israeli leaders have repeatedly stated that they cannot allow Iran to obtain nuclear weapons, arguing that such an outcome would threaten Israel’s very survival.

Iran, however, insists that its nuclear programme is for peaceful purposes, such as energy production and scientific research.

The disagreement over nuclear development has been one of the most sensitive and controversial issues in international diplomacy over the past two decades.

Tensions have also been fuelled by Iran’s support for armed groups such as Hezbollah in Lebanon and other regional allies.

Israel views these groups as hostile forces positioned near its borders.

Meanwhile, Iran sees them as part of a broader strategy to resist Israeli and American influence.

These rivalries have often been fought indirectly through proxy conflicts in countries such as Syria, Iraq and Yemen.

However, as hostilities intensified and military strikes became more direct, the risk of a broader regional war increased dramatically.

One of the most immediate global consequences of this conflict has been economic instability, especially in energy markets.

A key concern is the security of the Strait of Hormuz, a narrow but crucial waterway through which a large share of the world’s oil supply passes each day.

Even the possibility of disruption in this area can cause alarm in the global markets.

Oil traders react quickly to any sign of danger, and prices can rise sharply within hours of new developments.

When oil prices increase, the effects are felt everywhere.

Transport costs rise, manufacturing becomes more expensive, and food prices often climb as well.

Inflation, which many countries have struggled to control in recent years, can worsen rapidly under such pressure.

Higher energy costs not only affect motorists filling their cars with petrol, but they also influence the entire economic system.

Airlines face rising fuel bills, shipping companies increase freight charges, and factories pay more for electricity.

Businesses usually pass these higher costs on to the consumers.

For developing countries that rely heavily on imported fuel, the burden is especially severe.

Their trade deficits widen as they spend more on energy imports.

Their currencies may weaken against the dollar, making imports even more expensive.

Inflation reduces the purchasing power of ordinary people, particularly those on fixed incomes.

In poorer societies, even modest increases in food and fuel prices can push millions closer to poverty.

Social unrest may follow if governments are unable to provide relief.

Financial markets are also highly sensitive to geopolitical conflict. Investors generally dislike uncertainty.

When the threat of war grows, stock markets often fall as investors shift their money into assets considered safer, such as gold or government bonds.

This movement reduces the capital available for business expansion, infrastructure projects and job creation.

Companies may delay investment decisions until the situation becomes clearer.

As a result, global economic growth can slow, affecting employment and incomes across many regions.

Supply chains, already strained by previous global crises such as the pandemic and regional wars, face further disruption during periods of conflict.

Insurance premiums for ships travelling through high-risk zones increase sharply.

Some shipping companies reroute vessels to avoid potential danger, leading to longer delivery times and higher transport costs.

Essential goods, including medical supplies, machinery parts and food products, may take longer to reach their destinations.

These delays can harm industries that depend on steady supplies of raw materials.

Beyond economics, the political consequences of the war are equally profound. The conflict has exposed deep divisions within the international community.

Many countries have criticised military actions and called for restraint, arguing that respect for sovereignty and international law must be upheld.

Debates within the United Nations have been intense, particularly at meetings of the United Nations Security Council, where member states have struggled to agree on a unified response.

When powerful countries disagree, global institutions often find it difficult to act decisively.

The war has also influenced shifting alliances among major powers.

Countries such as Russia and China have taken positions that reflect their own strategic interests, sometimes in contrast with Western governments.

This growing polarisation risks deepening a new era of global rivalry reminiscent of past Cold War divisions.

Instead of cooperating on shared challenges such as climate change, poverty reduction and global health, nations may focus increasingly on military competition and strategic positioning.

Within the Middle East, the conflict threatens to draw in neighbouring states.

Countries such as Saudi Arabia and Turkey are closely monitoring developments, aware that instability could spill across borders.

Regional organisations, including the Gulf Cooperation Council, face pressure to coordinate responses while avoiding direct involvement in hostilities.

If the fighting were to widen significantly, it could engulf multiple states, transforming a limited confrontation into a major regional war with global implications.

Public opinion has played an important role in shaping government responses.

Across many Muslim-majority countries, large demonstrations have taken place condemning violence and expressing solidarity with the affected populations.

In Western societies, public debate has become increasingly polarised, with strong opinions expressed in parliaments, universities and on social media.

Governments must balance domestic political pressures with strategic alliances and long-term national interests.

In democratic systems, leaders are accountable to voters, which makes foreign policy decisions more complex during times of crisis.

For Pakistan, the conflict presents a particularly delicate and sensitive situation.

Sharing a long border with Iran, Pakistan cannot ignore developments next door.

Balochistan lies along the frontier, and any instability in neighbouring areas could create security challenges, including refugee flows, smuggling or cross-border militant activity.

Managing border security without provoking tensions requires careful planning and clear communication.

Economically, Pakistan is vulnerable to rising oil prices because it imports much of its energy.

Higher global prices increase the country’s import bill and put pressure on foreign exchange reserves.

Inflation at home may rise, affecting food, transport and electricity costs.

For a population already facing economic pressures, prolonged instability in global energy markets could create additional hardships.

Government subsidies, if expanded to protect consumers, may further strain public finances.

Diplomatically, Pakistan maintains relations with both Iran and the United States, while also expressing consistent support for Palestinian rights.

Balancing these relationships demands caution and skill. Islamabad has repeatedly called for dialogue and de-escalation, emphasising the importance of resolving disputes through negotiation rather than force.

By advocating for restraint in international forums and offering support for peaceful dialogue, Pakistan can attempt to position itself as a responsible regional actor.

However, this neutrality must be credible and consistent to maintain trust on all sides.

The humanitarian dimension of the conflict must not be overlooked. Civilian populations often suffer the most during wars.

Homes, hospitals and schools can be damaged or destroyed. Families may be displaced from their communities, creating refugee crises that affect neighbouring countries.

Humanitarian corridors and ceasefires are necessary to allow aid agencies to deliver food, medicine and shelter.

Protecting civilians is not only a moral duty but also a legal obligation under international humanitarian law.

The way forward must focus firmly on peace and diplomacy.

An immediate ceasefire would be a first step in reducing tensions and preventing further loss of life.

Continued military strikes only deepen mistrust and make compromise more difficult.

International monitoring mechanisms could help ensure compliance and build confidence between the parties.

Serious diplomatic engagement must also resume.

Negotiations should address the core concerns of each side, including security guarantees, nuclear transparency and non-interference in neighbouring states.

Confidence-building measures, such as advance notification of military exercises or the reopening of communication channels, could reduce the risk of accidental escalation.

Economic incentives may also encourage compromise.

Gradual sanctions relief, regional trade cooperation and investment opportunities could provide tangible benefits linked to peaceful behaviour.

Regional powers and neutral states can assist mediation efforts.

Multilateral diplomacy offers the best chance of achieving a lasting settlement.

Reviving respect for international law and strengthening global institutions are equally important.

When countries believe that rules are applied fairly and consistently, trust in the international system can slowly be rebuilt.

Ultimately, war rarely produces clear or lasting winners in the modern world.

The interconnected nature of global finance, trade and politics means that even distant nations feel the consequences of conflict.

The confrontation involving Iran, Israel and the United States is not merely a regional dispute; it is a global crisis with economic, political and humanitarian costs that affect millions far beyond the battlefield.

For Pakistan and many other countries, the priority must be to prevent escalation, promote dialogue and support a negotiated settlement.

Only through sustained diplomacy, mutual compromise and genuine respect for sovereignty can lasting peace and regional stability be achieved.

The writer is a seasoned journalist and a communications professional.

He can be reached at tariqkik@gmail.com

Despite these advantages, the sector has consistently underperformed, constrained by a combination of feedstock shortages, ageing infrastructure, weak policy frameworks, and limited downstream integration. Reviving this industry is, therefore, not only an economic necessity but also a strategic imperative for Pakistan’s broader industrial development and export competitiveness.

Petrochemicals are necessary for modern life. They form raw materials for plastics, synthetic fibres, fertilisers, construction materials, automotive components, electronics, pharmaceuticals, and agricultural inputs. Countries such as Saudi Arabia and Qatar have successfully leveraged their oil and gas reserves to develop robust petrochemical sectors that have transformed their economies.

Pakistan, while not as resource-rich, possesses enough refining capacity, gas infrastructure, and domestic market demand to establish a competitive petrochemical industry if the right policies and investments are implemented. Currently, the country remains heavily dependent on imported polymers such as polyethylene and polypropylene, as well as solvents and intermediates, which places pressure on the foreign exchange reserves and increases production costs for local manufacturers.

Although companies like Engro Polymer & Chemicals Ltd have contributed significantly, particularly in PVC production, the overall sector remains underdeveloped, compared with the regional competitors.

A major challenge for Pakistan’s petrochemical industry is feedstock security. Reliable and affordable supplies of natural gas, naphtha, or ethane are important for the operation of chemical plants. Frequent gas shortages and shifting government priorities have created uncertainty for industrial users.

When gas is diverted to domestic consumers or power generation, chemical plants face interruptions, which discourages both domestic and foreign investment. Without long-term feedstock agreements at competitive prices, investors are reluctant to commit the billions required to build new petrochemical complexes. A clear, stable national policy that balances the needs of all the stakeholders is, therefore, needed to attract investment and ensure consistent production.

Another significant barrier is outdated infrastructure. Many of Pakistan’s refineries and chemical plants were constructed decades ago and require modernisation to enhance efficiency, safety, and environmental performance.

Modern petrochemical facilities rely heavily on automation, advanced process control systems, predictive maintenance, and energy integration to reduce operational costs and carbon emissions. Upgrading domestic plants demands substantial capital and access to technical expertise, including exposure to global best practices in plant operation, risk management, and process optimisation.

Syed Muhammad Arif, a Chartered Professional Chemical Engineer, exemplifies the expertise needed to strengthen Pakistan’s petrochemical industry. With more than 16 years of experience in operations, project commissioning, safety management, and process optimisation, gained both internationally at Qatar Chemicals and locally at Engro Polymer & Chemicals, he shows how experienced professionals can help modernise plants, transfer knowledge, and apply global safety and operational standards.

Exposure to the world-class ethylene production facilities and advanced safety systems has enabled him to gain the technical knowledge required to manage complex chemical operations to global standards.

Such professionals play their role in knowledge transfer and the modernisation of domestic plants, as they bring experience in process hazard analysis, plant turnarounds, and adherence to the international safety and operational standards.

This combination of local and international experience demonstrates how Pakistani engineers can bridge gaps in technical capacity, operational reliability, and safety culture. Engineers with such exposure can mentor younger professionals, helping them adopt modern practices and digital tools for efficient plant operations.

Safety and environmental compliance are also key priorities for a competitive petrochemical sector. Global markets, particularly in Europe and Britain, demand strict adherence to environmental, social, and governance standards. For Pakistan to export higher-value chemical products, plants must comply with the international environmental and safety regulations.

Experienced professionals in Process Safety Management and structured safety leadership help align local operations with global standards, using risk assessments, incident investigations, and management systems to enhance safety, protect assets, and improve plant performance.

Limited downstream integration remains another significant obstacle. Pakistan produces some basic petrochemicals, but value addition is minimal. Instead of exporting raw materials or importing finished products, the country would benefit from integrated petrochemical clusters, where refineries, crackers, polymer units, and processing industries operate in close proximity.

This approach, successfully implemented in places such as Ras Laffan Industrial City in Qatar, reduces transportation costs, improves energy efficiency, and strengthens supply chains.

The government can facilitate such clusters by providing reliable infrastructure, transparent regulations, and public-private partnership models that attract investment while offering stable operational conditions.

Financing these projects is another concern. Petrochemical complexes require substantial capital investment, often amounting to several billion pounds. Local financial institutions in Pakistan have limited capacity to support such large-scale, long-term financing, making foreign direct investment and joint ventures essential.

Attracting international partners requires not only a strong domestic market but also political stability and predictable regulatory policies. Clear and consistent rules, long-term contracts, and stable tax regimes are necessary to instill investor confidence.

Human capital development is equally important. While Pakistan produces thousands of engineering graduates annually, practical industrial experience is often lacking. Collaboration between universities and industry is the need of the hour to ensure curricula reflect modern petrochemical processes, digital control systems, and sustainable practices.

Engineers like Syed Muhammad Arif, with expertise in distributed control systems such as Yokogawa and Honeywell, can mentor young engineers in these technologies, bridging the gap between academic knowledge and practical industrial skills.

Digitalisation and advanced process analytics also offer opportunities for improvement. Predictive maintenance, process simulation, and data-driven optimisation can increase output, reduce downtime, and improve operational reliability, even in existing plants. Energy transition trends add another layer of complexity. Although petrochemicals will remain indispensable, global pressure to reduce carbon emissions is increasing.

Pakistan’s new investments in the sector should incorporate energy efficiency measures, waste heat recovery, and, where feasible, carbon capture technologies. Cleaner production methods will not only ensure regulatory compliance in export markets but also enhance operational efficiency and long-term competitiveness.

However, pricing and policy distortions further complicate investment planning. Inconsistent gas tariffs, subsidies, and unpredictable energy pricing create uncertainty for industrial users. A transparent, market-based feedstock pricing mechanism and long-term supply agreements would reduce risks for investors and enable better financial planning. Stable policies are also needed to encourage both domestic and international companies to commit to the long-term development of the sector.

Reviving Pakistan’s petrochemical industry will require coordinated action from the government, industry, financial institutions, and academia. While large-scale investment, stable governance, and clear strategic policies are needed, the potential benefits are significant; reduced imports, improved foreign exchange reserves, high-skilled employment, and the growth of downstream manufacturing industries.

Pakistan already has the human capital to manage and operate world-class facilities. Experiences in plant operations, safety systems, project commissioning, and process optimisation exemplify the professional expertise that can drive industrial modernisation.

If Pakistan successfully combines professional expertise with strong policy support, modern infrastructure, and strategic international partnerships, it can develop a resilient and competitive petrochemical industry. This is not merely a matter of constructing factories; it involves building systems, capabilities, and standards aligned with the global best practices.

Over time, such an approach can transform the industry from a reliance on imports and fragmented operations to a fully integrated, high-performing, export-oriented sector. The journey will demand patience, vision, and consistent effort, but the foundational elements, industrial base, engineering talent, and strategic location already exist within the country.

Continued dependence on imports will perpetuate foreign exchange pressures and limit industrial growth, while strategic investment in the petrochemical value chain can unlock economic, technological, and environmental benefits. Ensuring feedstock security, upgrading ageing infrastructure, strengthening safety and environmental compliance, developing downstream integration, and skilled professionals are all crucial steps.

With vision, professionalism, and sustained commitment, Pakistan can awaken its petrochemical industry from its dormant state and position itself as a competitive player in the regional and global markets, transforming potential into tangible industrial and economic outcomes.

The writer is a seasoned journalist and a communications professional.

He can be reached at tariqkik@gmail.com

Selecting the right combination of technologies is no longer about picking what is new or efficient, but target market, customer centricity, and relevance in future are highly relevant as well.

A tech stack, which includes everything from programming languages and frameworks to databases and cloud platforms, defines how a business functions and evolves.

Yet, as companies grow and audiences diversify, making technology decisions has become more complex.

Personalisation is now an expectation, and businesses need to serve customers across geographies, cultures, and economic groups.

With this shift, glocalisation, thinking globally but acting locally, has become a guiding principle.

Companies are building many markets simultaneously and the tech deployment must keep pace.

Tools such as predictive analytics and real-time responsiveness are the lifelines of modern business as they help organisations anticipate trends, adjust experiences, and respond quickly.

If a tech stack is not built to support agility, the business will struggle to adapt.

That is why alignment with the customer needs is the real benchmark.

Companies must move beyond surface-level efficiency and consider whether their technology choices genuinely serve the people who use their platforms every day.

Global competition has reshaped consumer expectations. Price and quality still matter, but so do speed, design, and trust.

A few seconds of lag or a confusing checkout process can be enough to send users elsewhere.

That is why the right technology combination must deliver more than clean code or strong security, but a seamless experience.

A flexible backend, intuitive interface, scalable infrastructure, and easy deployment are just the beginning.

What matters most is the ability to grow with the users as their expectations evolve.

Real-world examples help clarify this shift. Netflix adopted microservices architecture supported by Amazon Web Services (AWS) and Apache Kafka to streamline how data was processed and delivered, ensuring its millions of viewers never had to deal with buffering.

Airbnb built a mobile-first user experience using React Native and GraphQL, enabling quick access across devices without compromising performance.

Shopify combined Ruby on Rails with React.js to create a platform that was not only secure but also responsive and flexible for e-commerce businesses around the world.

These were not arbitrary decisions; they were rooted in customer insight, strategic foresight, and a willingness to experiment with purpose.

Companies with a future vision have helped clients navigate a range of digital challenges, often guiding them toward frameworks that balance innovation with reliability.

Whether working with fast-growing startups or established institutions, the focus should always be on strategic alignment.

It encourages selecting technologies that are built to last, supported by strong developer communities, and capable of evolving without disruption, making choices that reflect not only today’s demands but tomorrow’s possibilities.

How does a company gain this edge of user friendliness? This branding comes straight from thinking through customer centricity and understanding the client’s needs and designing around them and planning to meet the challenges of the foreseeable future.

Scalability, performance under pressure, and long-term security are critical, too, but the availability of talent and the community around a framework will determine the best.

A tool that seems cutting-edge but lacks reliable support or developer interest might become a liability.

Such aspects need to be made a part of talent development, and a developer should have a vision as well as technical prowess.

Cost, maintainability, and flexibility all matter, too. While hype can drive interest in new tools, the real measure of success is whether the tech choices support business goals consistently.

According to Gartner’s 2023 Tech CEO Research report, 72% of high-tech leaders across North America and Europe expected growth despite global uncertainty.

Their confidence stemmed from clear execution strategies and sustained investment in relevant technologies.

This growing emphasis on technology signals a fundamental shift in how businesses must approach their digital foundations.

A tech stack is no longer a static decision or the sole domain of IT.

It is a dynamic, strategic asset that shapes customer experience and builds long-term trust in the brand through operational excellence.

Companies should invest in technology with a mindset of continuous evolution, ensuring their stack is flexible enough to adapt, experiment, and scale with changing needs.

The true competitive edge lies in a tech strategy built not just for today, but ready for what comes next.

Companies need to ask meaningful questions and stay grounded in user needs, as technology choices, when made with insight and empathy, can unlock new levels of creativity, efficiency, and impact.

The writer is a senior investigative journalist with a career spanning 37 years on all the media formats. He can be reached at zubairkidy@yahoo.com

This growing demand is mainly driven by industrial growth, rapid urban development, and higher electricity use in homes.

Traditional power systems are becoming insufficient to meet these needs efficiently, and there is a pressing requirement for modern solutions that can ensure reliability, sustainability, and optimal performance.

Smart grid technology has emerged as a promising approach to address these challenges, offering an innovative framework that combines advanced communication, automation, and energy management techniques.

A smart grid is not merely an upgraded electrical grid; it is an intelligent network that monitors and manages the flow of electricity from generation to consumption, integrating renewable sources, storage systems, and advanced control mechanisms.

Smart grids have the potential to reshape Pakistan’s power sector by improving efficiency, reducing losses, and enhancing the resilience of electricity networks, but they also come with technical, financial, and regulatory challenges that need attention.

One of the most significant trends in smart grid technology is the integration of renewable energy sources such as solar and wind.

The country has abundant solar potential, particularly in southern regions like Sindh and Balochistan, as well as promising wind corridors along the coastal areas.

Incorporating these variable energy sources into the national grid requires sophisticated forecasting, real-time monitoring, and adaptive control systems that can balance supply and demand effectively.

Smart grids facilitate this process by employing advanced sensors, smart meters, and automated switches to manage fluctuations in generation and consumption.

This not only improves energy reliability but also reduces dependence on fossil fuels, aligning with the global sustainability goals and helping Pakistan meet its environmental commitments.

Another emerging trend is the use of advanced metering infrastructure (AMI), which enables two-way communication between the utility companies and consumers.

Smart meters provide detailed information about electricity usage in real-time, empowering consumers to make informed decisions about energy consumption and allowing the utilities to optimise load distribution.

In Pakistan, pilot projects for smart metering are underway in urban centres such as Karachi, Lahore, and Islamabad, where high-density consumption patterns make traditional billing and monitoring methods inefficient.

By enabling dynamic pricing and demand response programmes, smart meters encourage energy conservation and reduce peak load stress on the grid.

Over time, these technologies can create a more balanced energy ecosystem where supply closely matches demand, reducing outages and enhancing service quality.

Automation and control systems are also gaining prominence in the development of smart grids in Pakistan.

The ability to remotely monitor and control distribution networks through supervisory control and data acquisition (SCADA) systems and distribution automation (DA) solutions allows the utilities to respond rapidly to faults, prevent cascading failures, and restore service more efficiently.

Such capabilities are key in regions prone to loadshedding, extreme weather, or infrastructure limitations.

By automating routine operations and integrating predictive analytics, the utilities can reduce operational costs and increase reliability.

Further, these technologies pave the way for the integration of electric vehicles (EVs) and energy storage systems, which can act as distributed resources, further stabilising the grid and supporting the transition towards sustainable mobility.

Data analytics and artificial intelligence (AI) are becoming integral to the functioning of modern smart grids.

The adoption of these tools is still in the early stages, but their potential is considerable.

By analysing large volumes of data from sensors, smart meters, and generation units, AI can forecast demand patterns, detect anomalies, and optimise energy distribution in real-time.

Machine learning algorithms can also predict equipment failures, enabling preventive maintenance and reducing downtime.

The integration of AI and big data into smart grid operations offers the utilities a way to overcome inefficiencies, minimise energy losses, and provide consumers with more reliable service.

However, this requires significant investment in infrastructure, skilled personnel, and cybersecurity measures to protect sensitive data and maintain system integrity.

The emergence of microgrids is another noteworthy trend in Pakistan’s energy landscape.

Microgrids are small, localised energy networks that can operate independently or in conjunction with the main grid.

They are particularly useful for the rural and remote areas, where traditional grid connectivity is limited or unreliable.

By incorporating renewable generation, battery storage, and smart controls, microgrids can provide stable and sustainable electricity to communities that have long faced energy shortages.

Several projects in northern and southern regions of Pakistan are exploring the deployment of microgrids in schools, hospitals, and small industrial hubs.

These systems not only enhance energy access but also serve as testbeds for smart grid technologies, demonstrating their feasibility and benefits in diverse environments.

Despite these promising trends, the country faces significant challenges in the widespread adoption of smart grid technology.

Financial constraints remain one of the major barriers, as the deployment of advanced sensors, smart meters, communication networks, and control systems requires substantial investment.

Most Pakistani utilities operate under budgetary limitations and often rely on government subsidies, making large-scale modernisation difficult.

In addition, regulatory frameworks need to evolve to support innovation in the energy sector.

Clear policies regarding data sharing, cybersecurity, tariff structures, and integration of distributed energy resources are necessary to encourage private sector participation and investment in smart grid projects.

Without a supportive regulatory environment, the pace of technological adoption may remain slow, limiting the potential benefits.

Another challenge lies in technical and operational capacity.

Implementing and managing smart grids requires skilled engineers, technicians, and data analysts who can design, operate, and maintain these systems effectively.

Training programmes and capacity-building initiatives are needed to develop a workforce capable of supporting these advanced networks.

Fahad Hassan, an ambitious and dynamic electrical and electronics engineer based in Lahore, exemplifies the type of talent needed to drive this transformation.

With a BSc in Electrical Engineering with a 3.39 CGPA and an MSc in Electrical Engineering with a 3.34 CGPA, he brings over four years of expertise in power systems, automation, and controls.

Fahad has demonstrated efficient proficiency in electrical design and applications while collaborating across functions to deliver energy-efficient solutions.

His goal of joining an organisation that provides opportunities to showcase analytical skills and gain practical exposure in the operation and maintenance of electrical networks reflects the broader need for skilled professionals in the energy sector.

Engineers like him are required for implementing smart grid technologies, as they possess both technical knowledge and practical experience to navigate the complexities of modern power systems.

Cybersecurity is another concern for Pakistan’s smart grid development.

As the grid becomes more interconnected and reliant on digital communication, it becomes vulnerable to cyberattacks that could disrupt power supply, compromise sensitive data, or damage infrastructure.

Developing robust security protocols, continuous monitoring systems, and incident response strategies is important to protect the integrity and reliability of smart grids.

Collaboration between government agencies, utility companies, and private cybersecurity experts is necessary to mitigate risks and ensure that smart grid networks are resilient against both internal and external threats.

Similarly, public awareness and consumer engagement are equally important.

For smart grids to be successful, the consumers must understand and adopt new technologies such as smart meters, demand response programmes, and energy-efficient appliances.

Education campaigns, incentives, and user-friendly interfaces can encourage participation and help users realise the benefits of these innovations.

In Pakistan, cultural and economic factors may influence the adoption of new technologies, so initiatives must be tailored to local conditions and behaviours.

Engaging communities early in the process ensures that the smart grid solutions are not only technically viable but also socially acceptable and sustainable.

Despite the challenges, the opportunities presented by smart grid technology are substantial.

Improved efficiency and reduced energy losses can lower electricity costs and enhance the reliability of supply, which is a must for industrial growth and economic development.

The integration of renewable energy sources supports environmental sustainability and reduces dependence on imported fossil fuels, contributing to energy security.

Further, advanced grid management enables better planning and operation, ensuring that the resources are allocated optimally and that the network can adapt to changing conditions.

Smart grids also provide a platform for innovation, offering opportunities for startups, technology providers, and research institutions to develop new solutions in energy storage, artificial intelligence, and distributed generation.

Investment in smart grid infrastructure also has the potential to create employment opportunities, both directly in engineering, operations, and maintenance, and indirectly through technology development and consultancy services.

Professionals like Fahad Hassan are at the forefront of this transition, combining technical expertise with a commitment to energy efficiency and operational excellence.

By creating an environment where skilled engineers can apply their knowledge to real-world challenges, Pakistan can accelerate the adoption of smart grids and build a more resilient and sustainable energy future.

To sum up, emerging trends in smart grid technology, including renewable energy integration, advanced metering, automation, artificial intelligence, and microgrids, offer immense opportunities to enhance efficiency, reliability, and sustainability.

At the same time, financial, regulatory, technical, and cybersecurity challenges must be addressed to ensure successful implementation.

Skilled professionals play a pivotal role in this transition, bringing expertise, innovation, and practical experience to support the development of intelligent power networks.

By leveraging these trends and addressing the associated challenges, Pakistan has the potential to transform its electricity sector, provide reliable power to its citizens, and move towards a greener and more technologically advanced energy landscape.

The journey is complex, requiring coordinated efforts from the government, power utilities, private sector players, and engineers, but the benefits of a fully functional smart grid are far-reaching, promising economic growth, environmental sustainability, and enhanced quality of life for millions of people across the country.

The writer is a seasoned journalist and a communications professional.

He can be reached at tariqkik@gmail.com

Roads, transport projects, hospitals, and schools do exist, and some have improved access and mobility.

At the same time, broken streets, water shortages, poor drainage, weak services, and slow repairs remain part of everyday experience for millions.

Between these two realities stands a strong public narrative, often driven by political rivalry, in which certain anti-PPP elements present the Sindh government as having done nothing at all.

This mindset, combined with the governance failures, has created a situation where truth, exaggeration, progress, and neglect are all tangled together.

It is important to acknowledge that development in Sindh has not been absent.

Over the years, several major projects have been completed, especially in urban areas.

Public transport systems such as bus services have helped working people, students, and women who previously struggled to travel safely and cheaply.

Flyovers, underpasses, and expanded roads have reduced travel time in certain parts of Karachi and other cities.

Some hospitals have been upgraded with new equipment, emergency units, and specialised departments, and a number of universities and colleges have expanded their campuses.

Digital systems for land records and government services have also been introduced in parts of the province, making some processes easier than before.

These are not imaginary achievements, and for the people who benefit from them, they matter in real ways.

However, these developments exist alongside serious and longstanding problems.

Many roads are still in poor condition, especially in the low-income urban areas and rural districts.

Drainage systems regularly fail during the monsoon season, causing flooding, damage to homes, and disruption to daily life.

Clean drinking water remains unavailable in many places, forcing people to rely on unsafe sources.

Hospitals outside major cities are often understaffed and poorly equipped, while schools in rural areas suffer from absent teachers and crumbling buildings.

This uneven picture makes it difficult for people to feel satisfied, even when they can see that some progress has been made.

The unequal distribution of development plays a major role in public frustration.

Large projects are often concentrated in visible urban locations, where they attract media attention and political credit.

Meanwhile, many neighbourhoods and villages see little change over long periods of time.

Even within Karachi, some areas appear modern and well-connected, while others feel forgotten.

For residents of neglected areas, development elsewhere does not bring hope; instead, it highlights their own exclusion.

This sense of being ignored feeds anger and disappointment, making it easy for the political critics to claim that the government only serves a small group of people.

At the same time, the political environment in Sindh has made honest discussion of development very difficult.

The Pakistan Peoples’ Party has ruled the province for a long time, and this long rule has naturally created opposition and fatigue among sections of the population.

Certain anti-PPP political elements and commentators often present every problem in Sindh as proof of total failure.

In this narrative, no road is ever counted as progress, no hospital upgrade is acknowledged, and no reform is seen as genuine.

Even projects that clearly exist are dismissed as corruption schemes or propaganda exercises.

This approach simplifies a complex reality into a single message of blame.

This mindset has been strengthened by examples of poor governance.

Corruption allegations, weak accountability, and visible mismanagement have damaged public trust.

When people see roads breaking soon after construction or streets being dug up repeatedly, they are more likely to believe that nothing honest is happening.

Anti-PPP voices then use these examples to argue that all development claims are lies.

In many cases, genuine criticism turns into blanket rejection, where facts no longer matter as much as political identity.

Supporters and critics speak past each other, and the public is left confused and frustrated.

Social media and television debates have also played a role in shaping this environment.

Short videos of flooded streets or broken roads spread quickly and create a powerful emotional impact.

These images are important, but they often appear without context.

At the same time, images of completed projects are dismissed as staged or meaningless.

As a result, public discussion becomes more about scoring political points than understanding what has worked, what has failed, and why.

Ordinary citizens are caught between official claims of success and opposition claims of total collapse, unsure whom to believe.

The rural-urban divide further complicates the picture. In many rural parts of Sindh, development has been slow and inconsistent.

Villages still lack basic facilities, and the people feel left behind.

For them, political arguments about bus projects or flyovers in cities feel irrelevant.

When opposition voices say that the government has done nothing, this matches their lived experience, even if it ignores progress elsewhere.

At the same time, urban residents who benefit from certain projects may feel that criticism is unfair or exaggerated.

This difference in experience deepens social and political divisions.

Natural disasters, especially heavy rains and floods, repeatedly expose weaknesses in infrastructure.

Each year, the same scenes of waterlogged streets and damaged homes appear.

These failures are real and painful, and they strengthen the belief that development has been superficial or poorly planned.

Opposition groups use these moments to reinforce their message of incompetence and neglect.

Besides, the government often responds with promises and explanations that fail to convince the people who have heard them many times before.

Over time, this cycle has made public trust extremely fragile.

Health and education services show a similar pattern.

Some improvements exist, particularly in major hospitals and institutions, but many facilities remain overcrowded and under-resourced.

Announcements of new projects create brief hope, which quickly fades when services do not improve in daily life.

Anti-PPP critics point to these failures as evidence that all spending is wasted.

Supporters argue that change takes time and resources are limited.

Between these positions, ordinary people continue to struggle, feeling that political debates do little to improve their situation.

The long-term rule of one party has also created a perception of weak accountability.

Many citizens believe that elections do not lead to meaningful change in governance.

This feeling makes people more receptive to harsh criticism and absolute accusations.

When expectations are already low, it becomes easy to accept the idea that nothing good has happened at all.

In this environment, even genuine development struggles to change public opinion, because trust has already been lost.

Yet it would be unfair to deny that Sindh’s challenges are also shaped by broader national issues.

Rapid population growth, climate change, limited financial resources, and federal–provincial tensions all affect development outcomes.

Blaming a single provincial government for every problem ignores these wider factors.

At the same time, using these factors as excuses for poor planning and weak implementation is also unfair to the public.

A balanced view must recognise both the constraints and the responsibilities of those in power.

The tragedy is that extreme political narratives often prevent meaningful reform.

When critics refuse to acknowledge any progress, and the government refuses to fully accept its failures, space for honest improvement disappears.

Citizens become cynical, believing that development is only a slogan and criticism is only politics.

This cynicism leads to disengagement, where people stop expecting better services and stop believing that their voices matter.

The situation in Sindh cannot be reduced to either complete development or complete neglect.

It is a complex mix of some real progress, many serious failures, and a highly charged political mindset that amplifies anger and accusation.

Certain anti-PPP elements play a role in shaping a narrative of total collapse, while the government’s own mistakes make this narrative believable to many.

For ordinary people, the result is ongoing frustration and emotional exhaustion.

What people want is not political victory for one side or the other, but steady, honest improvement in their daily lives.

They want roads that last, drains that work, schools that teach, and hospitals that heal.

They want criticism that pushes for better performance, not just louder blame, and leadership that accepts responsibility rather than hiding behind achievements or excuses.

Until development becomes more balanced, transparent, and people-centred, and until political debate becomes more honest and less hostile, Sindh will continue to live with a sense of disappointment shaped by both problems and deep-rooted political narratives.

The writer is a seasoned journalist and a communications professional.

He can be reached at tariqkik@gmail.com

The blaze quickly grew into an inferno, engulfing the multistorey shopping mall and trapping hundreds of shopkeepers, workers and visitors inside.

What should have been an ordinary night turned into a catastrophe that has shaken the city and raised serious questions about building safety, fire precautions and urban governance in Pakistan’s largest metropolis.

This is one of the most heartbreaking incidents the city has witnessed in recent years.

What began as an ordinary night in a busy commercial area quickly turned into a nightmare of flames, smoke and fear.

The fire destroyed a major shopping centre, claimed precious lives, injured many others and left hundreds of families facing grief and financial ruin.

Beyond the immediate tragedy, the Gul Plaza inferno exposed deep and long-standing problems related to building safety, structural weakness, poor planning and the lack of enforcement of fire regulations.

Gul Plaza was a well-known commercial complex located on M A Jinnah Road, one of the busiest and most crowded parts of Karachi.

It housed hundreds of shops selling clothing, carpets, plastic goods, furniture and household items.

These materials are highly flammable and can fuel a fire very quickly.

On the night of the incident, the fire reportedly started inside one of the shops and spread rapidly through the building.

Within minutes, thick smoke filled the corridors, and flames climbed from one floor to another, trapping people inside.

According to witnesses, firefighters reached the scene after over half an hour.

They faced enormous challenges from the very beginning, as the fire was intense, the heat was extreme, and the smoke was so thick that visibility inside the building was almost zero.

As hours passed, parts of the structure weakened and collapsed, making rescue efforts even more dangerous.

Despite continuous attempts to control the fire, it burned for more than a day, showing how severe the situation had become.

One disturbing aspect of the tragedy was the behaviour of the people who gathered at the site.

Instead of helping or making way for emergency services, many people were seen recording videos on their mobile phones.

These videos were quickly shared on social media, turning human suffering into online content.

While people were trapped inside and firefighters were risking their lives, some spectators appeared more interested in gaining views and attention than in showing empathy or responsibility.

This insensitive behaviour also caused serious problems for the rescue efforts.

Crowds blocked roads, making it harder for the fire tenders and ambulances to reach the building.

Rescue workers repeatedly asked people to move back, but many refused to cooperate.

The noise, chaos and crowd pressure slowed down emergency operations and increased the danger for both victims and rescuers.

In moments like these, public cooperation is needed, yet it was sadly missing in many cases.

Another major issue was the lack of visible seriousness on the part of the authorities.

Despite the scale of the disaster, no senior official from the government was seen at the site during the early hours.

Their absence sent a negative message at a time when leadership, coordination and reassurance were badly needed.

The presence of senior officials could have helped improve coordination, control crowds and show that the state was taking the tragedy seriously.

Instead, their absence added to public anger and the feeling that the disaster was being handled without urgency or accountability.

One of the most alarming aspects of the Gul Plaza tragedy was the condition of the building itself.

Gul Plaza was not originally designed to support the heavy load it eventually carried.

Over time, additional floors were added without proper planning or approval.

These unplanned extensions put extra stress on the building’s structure.

When the fire broke out, the heat weakened the concrete and steel supports, leading to cracks and collapses.

Structural experts later said that the building was not strong enough to withstand such intense fire for such a long time.

Another major problem was the lack of proper fire exits.

In a large commercial building, clearly marked and easily accessible emergency exits are necessary.

In Gul Plaza, these exits were either missing, blocked or poorly designed.

Many corridors were narrow and overcrowded with goods placed outside shops.

When the smoke spread quickly, people inside struggled to find a safe way out. Panic set in, and confusion made escape even harder.

This lack of clear evacuation routes played a major role in the loss of life.

Fire safety equipment was also either absent or not in working condition.

There were no effective fire alarm systems to warn people early.

Sprinkler systems, which can slow down a fire before it spreads, were not installed.

Fire extinguishers, if present at all, were not enough to handle a blaze of this scale.

Without these basic safety measures, the fire was free to grow and spread unchecked.

By the time firefighters arrived, the situation was already out of control.

Electrical wiring inside the building was another serious concern.

Over the years, many shopkeepers have installed additional wiring to meet their needs, often without professional supervision.

Loose connections, overloaded circuits and poor-quality cables increased the risk of short circuits.

Such electrical faults are a common cause of fires in old commercial buildings.

While investigations are still ongoing, many experts believe that weak electrical systems may have contributed to the outbreak of the fire.

Ventilation inside Gul Plaza was extremely poor. The building was packed tightly with shops, and fresh air had little space to circulate.

When the fire started, smoke built up rapidly and spread throughout the structure.

Smoke inhalation is one of the leading causes of death in fires, and in this case, it made breathing almost impossible for those trapped inside.

The sealed nature of the building turned it into a deadly chamber once the fire took hold.

The human cost of the tragedy is devastating. Several people lost their lives, including a firefighter who was bravely trying to control the blaze.

Many others were injured, suffering burns, fractures and severe smoke inhalation.

Families waited in agony for news of loved ones who had gone missing inside the building.

For shopkeepers, the fire destroyed years of hard work in just a few hours.

Entire businesses were reduced to ashes, leaving owners with nothing but debt and despair.

Beyond individual losses, the incident exposed failures at an administrative level.

Building safety laws exist, but enforcement is often weak. Inspections are rare, and violations are frequently ignored.

In many cases, illegal constructions continue for years without action.

Gul Plaza was not an exception, but part of a larger pattern seen across Karachi, where commercial buildings operate without proper safety clearances.

The tragedy raised serious questions about who is responsible for ensuring public safety and why warnings are repeatedly ignored until disaster strikes.

Emergency response also came under criticism.

Although firefighters worked tirelessly, limited resources, traffic congestion and the lack of modern equipment slowed down rescue operations.

Narrow roads around the building made it difficult for fire tenders to reach the site quickly.

These issues highlight the need for better urban planning and improved emergency services in densely populated areas.

The Gul Plaza inferno is not an isolated incident. Karachi has witnessed several major fires over the years, many of them caused by similar problems such as poor construction, the lack of fire safety systems and weak oversight.

Each time, promises are made to improve regulations, yet little changes on the ground.

As a result, people continue to work and shop in buildings that are unsafe and poorly maintained.

This tragedy should serve as a wake-up call. Authorities must ensure that all commercial buildings meet strict safety standards.

Regular inspections should be made mandatory, and violations should lead to immediate action.

Fire safety systems such as alarms, sprinklers and emergency exits must be installed and maintained.

Building extensions should only be allowed after proper approval and structural assessment.

Shopkeepers and workers should be trained in basic fire safety, so they know how to respond in emergencies.

Public awareness is equally important. People must understand the risks of unsafe buildings and the importance of responsible behaviour during emergencies.

Filming suffering instead of helping only adds to the tragedy. Safety, empathy and cooperation should never be treated as optional.

Every life lost in such preventable incidents is a reminder of the cost of negligence.

The Gul Plaza fire is a story of loss, pain and failure. It is also a chance for change.

If lessons are learned and meaningful action is taken, this tragedy may at least lead to a safer future.

If ignored, it will simply become another name added to a long list of avoidable disasters.

The real responsibility now lies with those in power and with society as a whole to ensure that such an inferno never happens again.

The writer is a seasoned journalist and a communications professional.

He can be reached at tariqkik@gmail.com

People travel from different cities to enjoy the water, the hills and activities like boating, jet skiing and paragliding.

Many visitors go there hoping for a safe and enjoyable experience, especially young people and students who want to try something new.

Sadly, the reality at Khanpur Dam, particularly when it comes to paragliding, is often very disappointing.

Poor management, the lack of proper safety equipment and rude behaviour from the people running these activities have become common complaints.

Instead of being a place of joy and adventure, Khanpur Dam is slowly gaining a reputation for carelessness and disrespect towards visitors.

Paragliding is not a simple game. It is an adventure sport that depends heavily on safety rules, trained staff and reliable equipment. Even a small mistake can lead to serious injury or worse.

At Khanpur Dam, however, these basic requirements are often ignored.

Many people who have tried paragliding there say that the organisers seem more interested in making quick money than in ensuring safety.

Visitors are rushed through the process without proper instructions.

Safety briefings, if given at all, are short and unclear.

Some people are asked to sign forms without understanding what they are agreeing to, while others are not guided properly before the ride begins.

One of the most serious problems is the condition of the equipment.

Paragliding requires strong harnesses, helmets, secure straps and well-maintained gliders.

At Khanpur Dam, much of this gear appears old, damaged or poorly fitted.

Harnesses do not always fit the body properly, especially for first-time riders.

Helmets are sometimes missing, cracked or shared between many people without proper checks.

Straps are loose, tangled or worn out, which can easily lead to accidents.

When visitors point out these issues, they are often ignored or told not to worry, even though they have every right to be concerned about their safety.

Along with the lack of proper equipment, the behaviour of the staff managing paragliding is another major issue.

Many visitors complain that the staff are rude, impatient and unhelpful.

Instead of calmly explaining the process and reassuring nervous riders, some staff members shout, make jokes at the expense of visitors or speak in a harsh tone.

This creates fear and discomfort, especially for those who are already anxious about flying for the first time.

A friendly and professional attitude is very important in adventure sports, but at Khanpur Dam, this is often missing.

The problem becomes even worse when something goes wrong.

If the equipment does not fit or a visitor feels unsafe, the staff should stop the activity and fix the issue.

Instead, people report that their concerns are brushed aside. Complaints are met with anger or mockery, and visitors are made to feel foolish for asking questions.

This kind of behaviour not only ruins the experience but also puts lives at risk. Safety should always come before speed or profit.

A recent trip by the students from the Institute of Business Administration, or IBA, clearly shows how serious the situation has become.

The students visited Khanpur Dam as part of a recreational trip, hoping to relax and enjoy adventure activities together.

For many of them, paragliding was the highlight of the visit.

They trusted that the organisers would take proper care of their safety, especially because they were a group of young students with limited experience in such sports.

Unfortunately, their experience turned out to be stressful and disappointing.

The paragliding area was poorly organised, with people standing around confused about their turn and what to do next.

Instructions were unclear. Some students noticed that the gear looked worn and was not being checked carefully between rides.

Despite this, they were encouraged to continue without proper reassurance.

One particular incident during the trip caused great concern among the students.

A student lost his gear while starting the ride. The harness given to him was not fitted properly, and as he was preparing to take off, part of the gear slipped off.

This happened at the very beginning of the ride, creating panic for the student and fear among those watching.

Instead of responding calmly and responsibly, the staff reacted casually, as if such incidents were normal.

The student was shaken and upset, not only because he lost his chance to enjoy the ride, but also because he realised how dangerous the situation could have been.

This incident raised serious questions about how the equipment is handled and checked.

A properly trained team would ensure that every strap is tight, and every harness is secure before allowing a rider to start.

Losing gear at the start of a paragliding ride is extremely dangerous and should never happen.

The fact that it did happen shows clear negligence. The students felt that their safety was not taken seriously, and many of them decided not to participate further in the activity.

The rude behaviour of the staff made the situation even worse. When the students tried to discuss their concerns, they met with defensive and disrespectful responses.

Instead of apologising or explaining what went wrong, the staff acted as if the students were overreacting.

This lack of accountability left a negative impression on the group. What was meant to be a fun and memorable trip became a lesson in poor management and unsafe practices.

Such experiences are not limited to IBA students alone. Families, tourists and other student groups have shared similar stories over time.

Some visitors leave feeling lucky that nothing serious happened, while others leave angry and disappointed.

In some cases, people have even been injured during adventure activities at or around Khanpur Dam, leading to public concern and temporary shutdowns in the past.

Despite these warnings, little seems to have changed.

The authorities responsible for tourism and safety need to take this matter seriously before it is too late.

Khanpur Dam has great potential as a tourist destination, but only if activities are run responsibly.

Proper training of staff is necessary. They should know how to fit equipment correctly, explain safety rules clearly and deal with the visitors in a polite and respectful manner.

Regular checks of equipment should be mandatory, and damaged or outdated gear should be replaced immediately.

Safety rules should be strictly followed, even if it means slowing down the number of rides.

Respect for the visitors is just as important as safety equipment.

People pay good money for these activities and deserve to be treated with dignity.

Rude behaviour, shouting and careless attitudes have no place in adventure tourism.

A professional approach would not only improve safety but also enhance the reputation of Khanpur Dam as a tourist spot.

If the current situation continues, more people will stop visiting Khanpur Dam for adventure sports.

Word spreads quickly through social media and personal stories, and negative experiences can damage tourism badly.

Students, families and tourists want to feel safe and welcomed, not scared and insulted.

The incident involving the IBA students should be taken as a warning sign.

It shows that even educated groups are losing trust in how these activities are managed.

The mismanagement of paragliding at Khanpur Dam is a serious issue that cannot be ignored.

The lack of proper gear, poor safety checks and rude behaviour of the staff have turned a thrilling activity into a risky and unpleasant experience.

The recent trip of IBA students and the case of a student losing his gear at the start of the ride highlight the dangers clearly.

Unless strict action is taken to improve safety standards and staff behaviour, Khanpur Dam will continue to put visitors at risk and damage its own future as a tourist destination.

What should be a place of adventure and enjoyment must first become a place of responsibility, respect and safety.

The writer is a seasoned journalist and a communications professional.

He can be reached at tariqkik@gmail.com

For many citizens, the IMF symbolises rising prices, strict conditions and economic pressure.

For the policymakers, it represents emergency support when the country faces the risk of default.

The debate over whether this relationship reflects dependency or necessity continues, especially as Pakistan again relies on the IMF assistance to manage its fragile economy.

Pakistan first turned to the IMF in 1958, barely a decade after independence.

Since then, it has entered more than 20 IMF programmes, making it one of the most frequent IMF borrowers in the world.

These programmes have included short-term standby arrangements, longer extended fund facilities and emergency lending during global or domestic crises.

Over time, the IMF has become a recurring presence in Pakistan’s economic management, often stepping in when foreign exchange reserves fall sharply and external payments become difficult to manage.

Since its inception, the total amount of IMF financing approved for Pakistan is estimated to be between $40 and $45 billion.

Not all of this money was drawn at once or even fully utilised, as some programmes ended early due to political changes or failure to meet conditions.

Nevertheless, the figure shows the scale of the IMF’s involvement in Pakistan’s economy over the long term.

At the same time, Pakistan has repaid a substantial portion of this assistance.

Estimates suggest that around $30 to $35 billion has been repaid to the IMF over the years.

Pakistan has generally met its repayment obligations on time, even during periods of severe economic stress, because maintaining credibility with the IMF is key for future access to international support.

These repayments highlight a key issue that the problem is not simply unpaid debt, but the inability to resolve the structural weaknesses that cause repeated crises.

Each IMF programme provides temporary relief, but once it ends, old problems often reemerge.

This cycle fuels the argument that Pakistan is trapped in a pattern of dependency.

In recent years, Pakistan’s economic challenges have become more severe. By 2024-25, government debt had risen to around 73 per cent of gross domestic product.

This high level of debt limits the government’s ability to spend on development and social services.

Inflation remained elevated, eroding household incomes and increasing poverty.

Economic growth has been weak, making it harder to create jobs for a young and growing population.

One of the most serious problems has been the shortage of foreign exchange.

Pakistan relies heavily on imports for fuel, machinery, medicines and even some food items.

When foreign exchange reserves fall, the country struggles to pay for these imports.

At several points in recent years, forex reserves dropped to the levels that covered only a few weeks of imports.

In such situations, the risk of default rises sharply, and confidence in the economy collapses.

The IMF loans help rebuild reserves and restore a minimum level of stability.

The most recent IMF programme, approved in late 2024, provided around $7 billion over three years.

Its purpose was to stabilise the economy, reduce inflation, improve public finances and encourage structural reforms.

As with the previous programmes, the IMF support also helped Pakistan secure additional financing from other international partners, who often wait for the IMF approval before committing funds.

This shows how central the IMF has become to Pakistan’s external financing strategy.

Supporters of the IMF engagement argue that Pakistan has little alternative.

Domestic savings are low, the tax base is narrow, and investors’ confidence is fragile.

Borrowing from the international markets is expensive due to high interest rates and perceived risk.

Friendly countries can offer support, but not indefinitely. In this context, the IMF financing is often the only realistic option during crises.

It provides relatively low-cost funding and a framework for economic stabilisation.

The IMF programmes also aim at addressing longstanding problems.

These include poor tax collection, inefficient energy pricing, large subsidies and loss-making state-owned enterprises.

In theory, reforms in these areas could strengthen Pakistan’s economy and reduce the need for future bailouts.

Better tax collection would increase government revenue, while energy reforms could reduce fiscal losses.

Stronger institutions could improve governance and investors’ confidence.

However, critics argue that these reforms are rarely implemented.

Political pressures often lead governments to delay or reverse unpopular measures, such as raising taxes or cutting subsidies.

As a result, reforms remain incomplete. When a programme ends, fiscal pressures build again, leading to renewed balance of payments problems and another return to the IMF.

This repeated pattern is seen by many as evidence of dependency.

The social cost of the IMF-backed policies is another major concern.

Measures such as higher fuel and electricity prices directly affect households.

Inflation has already placed a heavy burden on ordinary people, especially those on fixed or low incomes.

While the IMF programmes usually include provisions to protect the poorest, many families still experience hardships.

This fuels public anger and strengthens the perception that the IMF involvement worsens everyday life.

There is also criticism that the IMF programmes focus too heavily on austerity and stabilisation, while giving less attention to growth and development.

Pakistan needs investment in education, skills, technology and infrastructure to raise productivity and expand exports.

Without these, economic growth remains weak, making debt harder to manage.

Some economists believe that excessive fiscal tightening can slow growth, creating a vicious cycle where weak growth leads to more borrowing.

At the same time, it is important to recognise Pakistan’s own role in this situation.

Economic problems are rooted in domestic issues such as weak governance, political instability and inconsistent policymaking.

Frequent changes in government disrupt long-term planning. Powerful interest groups resist taxation and reform.

In such an environment, even well-designed IMF programmes struggle to achieve lasting results.

The IMF can provide advice and funding, but it cannot replace political will.

Pakistan has tried to reduce its reliance on the IMF support by seeking other sources of foreign exchange.

Remittances from overseas Pakistanis have become a lifeline, bringing in billions of dollars each year.

The government has also explored new export opportunities and closer economic ties with regional partners.

While these efforts have helped, they have not been enough to eliminate the need for IMF assistance.

Looking ahead, Pakistan’s need for external financing is likely to stay high.

In the coming years, the country will require substantial funds to meet external debt repayments and pay for essential imports.

Unless there are clear improvements in exports, productivity and government revenue, reliance on external support will remain unavoidable.

This suggests that the IMF involvement is unlikely to end soon.

The question of dependency versus necessity does not have a simple answer.

In the short-term, the IMF support is often necessary to prevent economic collapse and protect the country from default. Ignoring this reality would be dangerous.

At the same time, repeated reliance on the IMF programmes without resolving core problems does suggest a form of dependency that Pakistan has struggled to escape.

Breaking this cycle will require difficult and sustained reforms.

Expanding the tax base, improving governance, investing in human capital and promoting export-led growth are necessary.

These steps are politically challenging, but without them, Pakistan will continue to move from one crisis to another.

If the IMF programmes are used as a bridge to genuine reform rather than a temporary fix, Pakistan’s relationship with the IMF can evolve into a transitional phase rather than a permanent condition.

Until then, the IMF will remain both a necessary lifeline and a reminder of the work still needed to achieve lasting economic stability.

The writer is a seasoned journalist and a communications professional.

He can be reached at tariqkik@gmail.com

It is the mechanism through which families sustain themselves, businesses grow, and the country asserts its place in the global financial system.

However, the strength of this mechanism depends not only on volume, but on the integrity of the channels through which it flows.

Foreign exchange is like the circulatory system of a developing economy. Just as blood carries oxygen and nutrients to every part of the body, foreign currency flows bring essential resources like technology, machinery, raw materials, and expertise that local production cannot yet provide.

Without adequate foreign exchange, the economy suffers from “anaemia,” unable to import what it needs to grow and develop.

Roshan Digital Account (RDA) is a great example of the potential that our incoming remittances have.

Millions of overseas Pakistanis send remittances, ensuring that their families live with dignity and their homeland can stay economically afloat.

These remittances, often modest amounts saved with great effort, collectively become a river of lifeblood for Pakistan’s economy.

However, for decades, a substantial amount of this flow gets diverted into the shadows of informal networks that thrive on convenience but strip transactions of transparency and security.

I refer to the practice of ‘hundi’ and ‘hawala,’— still seen by some as familiar and harmless, but beneath its surface lie risks that affect not only individual households but the entire national fabric.

Money lost to unreliable operators, funds entangled in illicit networks, and the erosion of Pakistan’s financial credibility are costs too heavy to bear in a world where economic stability is as important as political sovereignty.

The alternative lies in the formal system, where initially exchange companies ensured that every dollar, dirham, or pound remitted was accounted for, but it gradually spread into a rather informal system where no compliance with the regulatory checks created many irregularities.

To curb malpractices, the State Bank of Pakistan (SBP) allowed the banks to establish exchanges as part of their operations, enabling not only their customers but the public at large to have a clean and accurate exchange facility.

These institutions operate under the watchful eye of the SBP, offering not only safety and accountability but also a promise that the sacrifices of overseas workers will reach their families intact, and that each transaction will contribute to the stability of the country’s reserves.

These licensed exchange companies also play a central role in curbing illicit financial flows, dismantling the very networks that have long drained resources into the black economy.

Every remittance that travels through formal channels is a step toward compliance with global standards, a reassurance to international partners, and a reinforcement of Pakistan’s standing in the world economy.

Licensed exchange companies operate within a framework that aligns Pakistan with global financial standards, including anti-money laundering (AML), counter-terrorism financing (CTF), and know-your-customer (KYC) protocols.

In an era of heightened scrutiny, this alignment is essential for maintaining access to global financial systems and attracting foreign investment.

They are indispensable facilitators of international trade, enabling businesses to settle cross-border transactions with confidence and clarity.

Whether it is a textile exporter receiving payments from Europe or a manufacturer importing essential components from East Asia, regulated foreign exchange services ensure that these transactions are executed at official exchange rates, with full documentation and compliance.

In doing so, they support the backbone of Pakistan’s economy, which is the trade sector and help local enterprises compete globally.

The digital transformation of foreign exchange services has further enhanced their reach and reliability.

These innovations not only improve user experience but also strengthen compliance through biometric verification, automated reporting, and AI-driven fraud detection.

The result is a system that is not only efficient but also resilient against misuse. Beyond that, these companies extend financial inclusion to citizens who were previously excluded, giving rural families, small businesses, and first-time account holders access to secure, documented services that build trust in the formal banking system.

Commercial banks have risen to this challenge by making foreign exchange more accessible, reliable, and trustworthy.

Their exchange companies combine the credibility of established financial institutions with the convenience of open market services.

Beyond regulatory strength and compliance, bank-owned exchange companies also offer unmatched convenience.

Customers are able to complete their foreign exchange needs under the same roof as their routine banking, without the risks of carrying cash or moving between different operators.

This integration makes the process seamless and secure, further encouraging individuals and businesses to rely on formal channels.

At the same time, these companies play a vital role in the broader financial system by surrendering their inflows to the interbank market.

By increasing the supply of foreign currency in formal circulation, they help stabilise liquidity, deepen the interbank market, and promote stability in exchange rates.

In this evolving landscape, the growth of Sharia-compliant exchange services has brought a powerful new dimension.

Institutions such as Faysal Bank have taken a lead, extending their full Islamic banking infrastructure into the realm of foreign exchange trade.

Faysal Islami Currency Exchange Private Limited (FICEC), launched in 2024 as part of Faysal Bank Group, reflects this evolution.

Licensed by the State Bank of Pakistan, FICEC specialises in foreign currency exchange with a focus on competitive rates and seamless transactions.

By integrating Sharia-compliant principles with modern technology, it caters to diverse customer needs while ensuring compliance and transparency.

This allows individuals and businesses to meet their cross-border needs with confidence that their transactions are both secure in practice and ethical in principle.

The writer is a freelance journalist. He tweets @AliOusat

Yet, despite these clear advantages, it continues to struggle with weak public services and poor infrastructure.

Roads are broken, hospitals lack proper facilities, schools are overcrowded, and clean drinking water remains unavailable to millions of people.

One of the main reasons for these problems is the lack of sufficient tax revenue. Far too many citizens, particularly those in powerful positions, do not pay their fair share of taxes.

Inaccurate tax filing by elites and wealthy groups has become a major obstacle to progress in the country.

The contribution of taxes is necessary for any nation. The government needs money to build and maintain roads, support public transport, provide clean water, run hospitals, and strengthen the education system.

Without proper tax collection, a country cannot function effectively. When people do not contribute fairly, the government becomes unable to provide essential services to its citizens.

In Pakistan, the burden of taxes often falls on those who are already struggling, such as salaried workers and lower-income families.

Meanwhile, wealthy individuals and large businesses find ways to avoid paying what they owe.

This creates an unfair system that favours the rich and harms ordinary people.

The belief that the tax system is unjust has become one of the biggest barriers to development.

In the most recent fiscal year, Pakistan’s tax revenue showed some improvement. The government collected around Rs11.7 trillion, reflecting an increase of more than 25 per cent compared with the previous year.

Growth was seen across several areas, including sales tax, income tax and customs duties.

The tax-to-GDP ratio also improved and moved slightly above 10 per cent, one of the highest levels seen in recent years.

While these results show progress, they remain low when compared with many developing countries.

The government also failed to meet some of its own revenue targets, highlighting that much more work is needed before tax collection becomes strong enough to properly support the country.

Despite these gains, Pakistan continues to struggle with a very low tax base.

This means not enough people pay tax, and many who do pay far too little. As a result, the government finds it difficult to fund essential public services, and this affects everyday life across the country.

In many developed nations, paying taxes is seen as a duty and a shared responsibility.

Citizens understand that the money they contribute helps create better services and a stronger society.

In Pakistan, however, there is a lack of trust between citizens and the state.

Many people believe that the government wastes money through corruption, unnecessary spending and poor management.

Because of this, they do not feel motivated to pay taxes. Some do not file tax returns at all, while others hide their true income or use loopholes in the system to reduce the amount they must pay.

This behaviour results in a tax system that fails to provide the revenue needed for essential services.

As a result, Pakistan remains dependent on loans from other countries and international organisations.

Borrowing money may offer short-term relief, but it creates long-term problems.

Every loan must be repaid with interest, which increases the financial burden on future generations.

Instead of spending money on development projects, a large share of the national budget goes towards paying off debt.

This cycle continues because the country does not collect enough money from within its own economy.

The wealthy elite, including influential politicians, large business owners, landlords, and high-income professionals, play a major role in this issue.

Many rich individuals own luxury houses, expensive vehicles and vast properties, yet they report little or no taxable income.

Some make large profits but contribute only a small amount in tax, if anything at all.

It is deeply unfair that a low-paid employee or a small shopkeeper pays their dues while a wealthy landlord or powerful businessman contributes almost nothing.

Agriculture, a major sector of Pakistan’s economy, is largely controlled by powerful landlords.

Yet agricultural income is often exempt from tax or not properly recorded. This allows influential people to avoid paying what they owe, while smaller businesses and ordinary workers continue to carry the burden.

Corruption within tax departments makes the situation even worse. Some tax officials accept bribes or ignore false tax filings.

Citizens with strong political or economic connections use their influence to escape penalties.

This culture of corruption has weakened the entire tax system. Honest taxpayers feel discouraged when they see others cheating without consequences.

The message it sends is that paying tax is optional, especially for those with power.

The consequences of this weak tax system are visible everywhere in Pakistan.

Roads in major cities such as Karachi, Lahore and Islamabad are often damaged and unsafe.

Public transport remains limited and unreliable. These problems affect daily life as well as trade and investment.

Businesses face delays in transporting goods, which raises costs and reduces profit.

Poor infrastructure also discourages foreign investors who worry about logistics and safety.

Healthcare services suffer greatly, too. Many public hospitals lack enough doctors, nurses and equipment.

Patients wait for long hours to receive treatment, and some lose their lives because of delays and shortages.

With a stronger tax system, the government could invest more money in hospitals and clinics, improving healthcare in both urban and rural areas.

Education is another sector badly affected by low tax revenue. Government schools often have broken buildings, outdated furniture and too few teachers.

Children in such conditions struggle to compete with students in private institutions.

Education shapes the future of the nation, yet the current system widens the gap between the wealthy and the poor.

A fairer tax system would allow the government to improve school facilities and provide equal opportunities for every child.

Access to clean water and proper sanitation remains a challenge in many regions.

Old and damaged pipelines lead to contamination, causing water-borne diseases.

Without enough revenue, the government cannot replace old infrastructure or build new systems.

Poor sanitation places extra pressure on already weak hospitals, creating a cycle of health problems that could be prevented.

Pakistan’s ongoing electricity crisis is also linked to financial shortages.

Without enough funds to invest in modern power projects, load-shedding continues.

Factories cannot operate efficiently, student learning is disrupted, and economic growth slows down.

If taxes were collected fairly and spent wisely, Pakistan could explore renewable energy options, upgrade power distribution systems and reduce outages.

Government-funded social welfare programmes also suffer. Widows, disabled people and those living in poverty need support to survive, yet many do not receive timely help due to a lack of funds.

As inequality grows, frustration spreads throughout society.

To fix these issues, Pakistan must take bold steps to improve its tax system.

First, tax laws must be reformed to make the system fair and transparent. The rich should not be allowed to escape their responsibilities while the poor pay more than their share.

Loopholes must be closed, and digital technology should be used to reduce corruption.

When processes are automated, and data is stored securely, it becomes harder for dishonest practices to continue.

Second, citizens need to rebuild trust in the government. When people see real improvements in public services, they will be more willing to pay taxes.

The government must show that tax money is used responsibly. Regular public reports, strong accountability and strict action against corruption will help restore public confidence.

Third, awareness campaigns are necessary to educate people about the importance of paying taxes.

Schools, universities and the media can help spread this message. When people understand how tax contributions improve daily life, they become more cooperative.

Fourth, penalties for tax evasion must be enforced equally. Anyone who avoids paying tax should face serious consequences, no matter how powerful they are.

Fairness in the legal system will encourage greater compliance.

Finally, political leaders must set the best example. When those in power pay their taxes honestly and on time, it encourages others to do the same.

Leadership means taking responsibility and demonstrating integrity.

Pakistan is still a young nation with a growing population full of hope.

The potential for strong development exists, but progress cannot be achieved without financial strength.

Every citizen has an important role to play, and paying taxes is one of the most meaningful contributions anyone can make.

Inaccurate tax filing by elites is not just a financial crime, it is a betrayal of the nation.

It keeps Pakistan trapped in a cycle of debt, weak infrastructure and poverty.

While the wealthy enjoy comfortable lifestyles, ordinary citizens suffer the most from broken roads, poor hospitals, weak schools and unsafe water.

It is time for a change. Pakistan needs a tax system where everyone contributes fairly, corruption is reduced, and public money is used wisely.

With commitment, honesty and a shared sense of responsibility, Pakistan can build strong infrastructure, improve public services and create a better life for all.

The path to progress may not be easy, but it begins with a simple step of paying taxes honestly.

When citizens fulfil their duty, the nation becomes stronger.

Pakistan’s future depends on the willingness of its people, especially its elites, to support their country through fair tax contribution.

Only then can Pakistan break free from its current challenges and move confidently towards a brighter and more prosperous future.

The writer is a seasoned journalist and a communications professional.

He can be reached at tariqkik@gmail.com

Elections come and go, governments change, and promises are made again and again. Yet one habit remains unchanged across almost all political parties.

When leaders are asked about their performance, they often avoid talking clearly about their own achievements.

Instead, they turn the discussion towards the failures of other parties. This behaviour raises a serious question about political culture in Pakistan.

Why do leaders choose comparison over explanation? Why do they prefer to talk about what others failed to do instead of clearly telling the public what they themselves have delivered?

Whenever a political leader appears on television or addresses a public gathering, the same pattern is repeated.

If asked about inflation, they respond by blaming the previous government. If asked about unemployment, they talk about corruption under their opponents.

If questioned about broken institutions, they describe how badly the country was run before they came into power.

While history and context are important, constant reference to the past becomes tiring for ordinary citizens who are struggling in the present.

People want to know what has been done during the current government’s time, not what happened 10 or 20 years ago.

This habit of comparison may seem like a clever political strategy, but it often feels like an excuse.

It creates the impression that leaders are unwilling or unable to defend their own performance.

If a party believes it has delivered for the people, why not explain those achievements clearly? Why not talk about improved services, completed projects, or better policies?

The avoidance of such discussion suggests either a lack of confidence or a fear of honest evaluation.

Ordinary people usually ask simple questions. Has the cost of living gone down or up? Are jobs easier to find? Is healthcare affordable? Are schools improving?

These questions affect daily life and do not require complex political arguments.

Yet instead of addressing them directly, leaders turn them into political battles.

They compare figures selectively, highlight the failures of others, and claim moral superiority.

In doing so, they often forget the real purpose of governance, which is to serve the people.

One reason political leaders rely so heavily on comparison is the culture of the blame game that dominates Pakistani politics.

Taking responsibility is seen as a weakness rather than a strength. Admitting mistakes is considered dangerous, as it may be used by opponents as political ammunition.

As a result, leaders rarely say, “We failed in this area” or “We could have done better.” Instead, they say, “It is not our fault” or “Others left us no choice”.

This constant blame-shifting may protect leaders in the short-term, but it damages trust in the long run.

This behaviour of avoiding one’s own performance also affects how future leaders are shaped.

Young politicians learn by observing senior figures. When they see that the comparison and blame game are rewarded with attention and power, they adopt the same methods.

Over time, this becomes a norm rather than an exception. Politics then turns into a contest of speeches instead of a system of service.

The focus shifts from solving problems to winning arguments, from improving lives to controlling narratives.

Another reason for this behaviour is the absence of a strong tradition of accountability.

In many democratic societies, governments are expected to present regular performance reports.

These reports show what was promised and what was delivered. In Pakistan, election manifestos are often forgotten soon after polling day.

Once in power, parties rarely return to their promises to explain progress or failure. Without such accountability, comparison becomes an easy replacement for performance.

The media also plays a role in encouraging this approach. Many television talk shows focus on confrontation rather than clarity.

Politicians are often invited not to explain policies, but to attack opponents. The louder and more aggressive a leader is, the more attention they receive.

Calm explanations of governance rarely attract the same interest. Over time, politicians learn that comparison and conflict bring visibility, while honesty and detail do not.

Political loyalty in Pakistan further strengthens this pattern.

Many voters support parties based on emotion, identity, or longstanding commitment rather than performance.

Leaders know that attacking rival parties excites their supporters. It creates an “us versus them” narrative that keeps emotions high and questions low. In such an environment, performance becomes secondary to political survival.

Another important aspect of this behaviour is the lack of respect it shows for the voter’s intelligence.

When leaders repeatedly compare themselves with others instead of explaining their own work, it sends an unspoken message that citizens cannot understand facts or judge performance fairly.

This is unfair. People may not be experts in policy, but they understand their own lives very well.

They know whether roads are broken, hospitals are crowded, prices are rising, or jobs are scarce.

Ignoring this lived experience creates a dangerous gap between the rulers and the ruled.

However, this culture has serious consequences. When leaders avoid talking about their own deliverables, public trust erodes.

People begin to believe that all parties behave in the same way and that no one is truly accountable.

This leads to disappointment, frustration, and political apathy. Many young people, in particular, feel disconnected from politics.

They see endless arguments but little improvement in their lives.

The constant focus on comparison also prevents meaningful discussion about policy.

Instead of debating how to improve education or healthcare, political discussions turn into arguments about who damaged the country more.

This backwards-looking approach leaves little room for innovation or long-term planning. A nation cannot move forward if its leaders are always looking back.

There is also a moral question involved.

Leadership comes with responsibility. Holding power means accepting both credit and blame.

When leaders take credit for success but refuse responsibility for failure, they weaken the ethical foundation of governance.

A society cannot develop strong institutions if its leaders avoid accountability.

Laws, systems, and reforms only work when those in charge are willing to be judged by their actions.

It is important to say that comparison itself is not always wrong. Comparing policies, systems, and results can help people understand progress or failure.

For example, showing how a new policy reduced poverty compared to the past can be useful.

The problem arises when comparison replaces explanation entirely. When leaders use comparison to hide weak performance, it loses its value and becomes dishonest.

Another damaging effect is economic uncertainty. Investors and businesses want stability and clarity.

When political leaders focus on a blame game and conflict, it sends negative signals to the economy.

Constant political fighting suggests instability, which discourages investment and growth. This directly affects employment and development.

Social harmony also suffers. Political comparison often turns into personal attacks and accusations.

This deepens divisions within society and creates hostility among the citizens.

Instead of working together to solve shared problems, people are pushed into opposing camps. This weakens national unity and trust.

The repeated use of comparison also prevents closure and learning.

Every government faces challenges and makes mistakes. If leaders honestly admit these mistakes, future governments can learn from them.

When everything is blamed on others, lessons are lost. The same errors are repeated, and progress remains slow.

In this way, comparison not only hides failure but also blocks improvement.

A mature political system requires leaders who can stand by their record.

Such leaders do not need to constantly mention their rivals.

They allow their work to speak for itself. They understand that no government is perfect, and that the people can accept failure if it is explained honestly.

What people do not accept is avoidance and deception.

When asked about performance, political leaders should answer clearly.

They should explain what they promised, what they achieved, what they could not achieve, and why.

They should share lessons learned and outline future plans. This approach shows respect for the public and confidence in leadership.

Citizens, too, have a role to play. As long as they accept comparison as an answer, leaders will continue to use it.

Asking better questions, demanding clear figures, and refusing vague excuses can slowly change political behaviour.

Democracy is not only about voting; it is also about questioning those in power.

The real issue is not whether one party performed better than another. The real issue is whether people’s lives have improved.

Comparison does not fill empty stomachs, reduce electricity bills, or create jobs. Only effective governance can do that.

At its heart, this issue is about respect. Respect for the public, for truth, and for the idea of service.

Political parties exist to serve people, not to constantly fight each other. When leaders speak more about rivals than about results, they forget why they were elected in the first place.

If Pakistan is to move forward, its political culture must mature. Comparison should support explanation, not replace it.

Criticism of others should never be an excuse for silence about one’s own work.

Only when leaders are willing to stand honestly before the public and say, “This is what we did,” can trust begin to grow. Without that honesty, democracy remains noisy but empty, full of words yet short on progress.

The writer is a seasoned journalist and a communications professional

He can be reached at tariqkik@gmail.com

These events are designed to celebrate the rich heritage of Urdu literature, offering platforms for poets, novelists, playwrights, and critics to share their work and engage with the audiences.

In theory, these gatherings should also serve as incubators for new talent, creating opportunities for emerging voices to contribute to the literary discourse.

However, despite their apparent purpose, many of these festivals have become monotonous and predictable, dominated by the same well-known figures, with little room for new perspectives or experimentation.

This trend has slowly transformed vibrant literary celebrations into occasions that often feel formal and routine rather than exciting and thought-provoking.

The reliance on familiar names has created an environment where the audience largely hears what it already knows, limiting the scope for intellectual stimulation and meaningful engagement with contemporary literature.

Prominent festivals such as the Karachi Literature Festival, Lahore Literary Festival, Islamabad Literature Festival, Alami Urdu Conference, Adab Festival, Hyderabad Literary Festival, and Multan Literary Festival have grown in stature over the years, attracting local and international audiences alike.

They offer panels, discussions, poetry readings, book launches, and interactive workshops.

While these events have succeeded in promoting literary appreciation and generating media coverage, they often follow a repetitive and formulaic pattern.

Each year, the audience is introduced to the same familiar group of well-known poets, scholars, critics, and writers.

These figures have made great contributions to literature, and their presence is always appreciated.

However, when the same people appear again and again, the event starts to feel predictable.

It becomes less exciting because the discussions usually follow the same ideas and perspectives.

This repetition also reduces opportunities for the new or lesser-known voices to take part.

Talented writers from different regions, or those who are experimenting with fresh and creative styles, often do not get the chance to be heard.

As a result, the range of topics and opinions remains limited, and the event misses the chance to grow and reflect the full variety of literature in the country.

One of the key reasons behind this monotony is the over-reliance on established literary personalities.

Festival organisers often prioritise credibility and public recognition, believing that featuring well-known writers guarantees higher attendance and media attention.

While this approach may ensure short-term visibility, it inadvertently sidelines emerging talent.

Young poets, regional writers, and authors from smaller towns rarely receive the opportunity to present their work on such prestigious platforms.

Consequently, Urdu literature festivals risk becoming exclusive spaces for the literary elite, where innovation is overshadowed by tradition, and audiences are deprived of exposure to diverse voices.

This reliance on known names may also discourage experimentation, as both organisers and audiences begin to expect conventional themes and familiar formats.

This repetitive approach has multiple consequences. First, audiences are often limited to a narrow understanding of Urdu literature.

While major cities like Karachi and Lahore are undeniably hubs of literary activity, Urdu writing thrives far beyond these metropolitan areas.

Writers from smaller towns and remote regions of Punjab, Sindh, Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa, and Balochistan bring fresh perspectives shaped by local culture, dialects, and social realities.

Authors from smaller towns, or modern poets from Multan, Sargodha, or Gilgit-Baltistan, offer insights into social, cultural, and political conditions that may be unfamiliar to city-based audiences.

Their inclusion could significantly enrich literary festivals, offering insights into contemporary Pakistani life that are otherwise overlooked.

The absence of these voices reinforces a homogenised, metropolitan view of Urdu literature, ignoring the broader spectrum of experiences and narratives that exist across the country.

Without these diverse voices, literature risks becoming an echo of itself rather than a living reflection of society’s multiplicity.

Secondly, young writers may feel discouraged from pursuing literary careers if they perceive that recognition is reserved for a select group of established figures.

Literature thrives on experimentation, innovation, and the infusion of new ideas. By continuously showcasing the same poets, novelists, and critics, such festivals inadvertently stifle creative energy.

This approach risks alienating younger audiences, who may find the discussions and readings repetitive and feel that contemporary issues are not adequately addressed in literary discourse.

Themes such as women’s empowerment, environmental crises, minority rights, technological impacts on society, and urban alienation are often discussed only superficially, if at all.

Urdu literature festivals should ideally be dynamic spaces that encourage curiosity, debate, and exploration, yet their current format often fails to engage participants beyond surface-level appreciation of established works.

Structural and organisational challenges further exacerbate this issue. Many literary events in Pakistan lack a deliberate strategy to diversify content and participants.

Panels frequently cover similar topics, such as classical poetry, modern ghazals, or well-established novelists, while neglecting experimental forms like flash fiction, spoken word, digital storytelling, and socially conscious prose.

Financial constraints also play a role. Organisers often rely on established writers because they are easier to contact and more likely to accept invitations without negotiation.

Emerging writers from smaller towns or rural areas may face travel expenses, accommodation difficulties, or visa complications, particularly if international guests are involved.

Sponsors and government cultural departments also tend to prefer established names to avoid the perceived risk of low attendance or critical scrutiny.

These practical considerations, though understandable, contribute to a cycle in which the same writers dominate festival programmes year after year.

The impact on audiences is considerable. For students, young professionals, and literary enthusiasts, exposure to new voices is a primary attraction of literature festivals.

When events repeat the same speakers and topics, engagement diminishes. Instead of encountering innovative ideas or unfamiliar perspectives, audiences are presented with familiar narratives, limiting intellectual stimulation.

The exclusion of emerging writers also means that contemporary social issues may not be adequately represented.

Many new poets and authors focus on themes such as gender equality, climate change, political unrest, social justice, and the experiences of marginalised communities.

Writers like Muhammad Imran, Sania Saeed’s literary circle, and young poets from Gilgit or rural Sindh often explore these topics in ways that are deeply connected to lived realities.

By neglecting these voices, literary festivals inadvertently present a version of Urdu literature that is somewhat disconnected from the broader social and cultural fabric of Pakistan.

Addressing this problem requires a concerted effort to introduce lesser-known and emerging talent.

Pakistan is home to countless gifted writers whose work remains largely unheard due to geographic, economic, or institutional barriers.

Including these writers in major literary festivals would diversify the range of perspectives and rejuvenate the literary scene.

Emerging writers offer innovative forms, experimental styles, and fresh themes that resonate with contemporary audiences.

They challenge conventional narratives, experiment with structure, and bring attention to underrepresented issues, which makes literary gatherings more dynamic and relevant.

By providing such platforms, festivals can help create a more inclusive literary ecosystem that encourages young writers to continue producing work with confidence and originality.

Several measures can help achieve this goal. The organisers should actively seek participation from writers across the country, including those from smaller towns and rural areas.

By doing so, they not only promote inclusivity but also encourage a broader appreciation of Urdu literature in all its diversity.

Literary competitions, whether at local, provincial, or national levels, can identify promising talent and provide structured opportunities for young writers to participate in prestigious events.

Festival programmes should explore contemporary and unconventional themes, such as urbanisation, technology, environmental concerns, social justice, and women’s narratives.

This approach will attract younger audiences and develop meaningful discussions about literature’s role in modern society.

Mentorship programmes can also play an important role in breaking the cycle of monotony.

Established writers could mentor emerging talent, creating a supportive environment that encourages growth rather than maintaining exclusivity.

Digital platforms can further expand access, allowing writers who cannot travel to participate via online readings, panels, and workshops.

Such hybrid models not only increase inclusivity but also introduce audiences to innovative literary forms, including performance poetry, online storytelling, and collaborative projects.

Interactive formats, such as workshops, poetry slams, and live storytelling sessions, can replace traditional panel discussions, making festivals more engaging and participatory.

Community outreach is another essential strategy. Schools, colleges, and local literary societies can serve as sources of untapped talent.

Engaging grassroots communities ensures a steady influx of writers and readers, broadening the reach of Urdu literature.

Similarly, recognising the importance of regional literature, including translation projects and cross-cultural exchanges, can bring the richness of Pakistan’s multilingual literary traditions into Urdu literature festivals.

Writers producing works in Sindhi, Punjabi, Pashto, and Balochi often reflect unique cultural experiences and social realities.

Translating and presenting these works in Urdu creates a more comprehensive understanding of the nation’s literary landscape.

Some smaller, community-driven festivals have successfully implemented these approaches, demonstrating the potential for change.

Regional literary gatherings in cities like Multan, Peshawar, Quetta, and Sukkur often include emerging writers alongside established figures, creating dynamic and inclusive programmes.

Such examples show that careful planning, creativity, and a willingness to experiment can prevent repetition and enhance the quality of Urdu literature festivals.

Internationally, festivals such as the Jaipur Literature Festival have dedicated sessions for emerging writers, blending tradition with innovation.

Pakistani festivals can adopt similar models, ensuring a balance between admiring literary icons and nurturing new talent.

Urdu literature festivals in Pakistan must move beyond the repetition of familiar names and predictable programmes.

They should embrace diversity, innovation, and inclusivity, creating spaces where established writers can share the stage with young poets, regional authors, and experimental writers.

Doing so will not only revitalise the literary scene but also ensure that the festivals remain relevant, engaging, and reflective of Pakistan’s rich cultural and social diversity.

Breaking the cycle of monotony requires commitment from festival organisers, sponsors, cultural institutions, and literary communities.

By prioritising emerging talent, experimenting with new formats, and embracing digital and community-based initiatives, Urdu literature festivals can transform from predictable gatherings into vibrant cultural experiences.

These events have the potential to nurture creativity, encourage dialogue, and raise a new generation of writers who can carry forward Pakistan’s literary legacy with fresh ideas and diverse perspectives.

Urdu literature festivals have succeeded in celebrating the contributions of literary giants and promoting appreciation among the audiences, but their continued reliance on a select group of established figures threatens to make them stagnant and uninteresting.

To fulfil their purpose, these festivals must embrace inclusivity, diversity, and innovation.

By providing platforms for emerging writers, recognising regional voices, and experimenting with themes and formats, Urdu literature festivals can remain dynamic, engaging, and relevant.

The future of Urdu literature in Pakistan depends on respecting its traditions while also encouraging new, lively, and diverse voices. If this balance is achieved, literary festivals can become centres of cultural and intellectual growth.

They will show the richness of Pakistan’s writing and help support the next generation of authors and thinkers.

In this way, Urdu literature will stay alive, continue to grow, and remain connected to society, speaking to people of all ages and from all parts of the country.

The writer is a seasoned journalist and a communications professional.

He can be reached at tariqkik@gmail.com

The role of journalism has always been to inform society, question authority, and provide citizens with reliable facts.

A healthy and independent press is necessary for a democracy to function properly.

But in Pakistan, honest reporting has become harder than ever because of censorship, political pressure, personal agendas, financial struggles, and even threats to the safety of journalists.

When these problems increase, journalism loses its strength, and society loses a voice that once protected the truth.

There was a time when Pakistani journalists made great sacrifices for press freedom.

People looked up to them as defenders of truth. Several figures from the past are remembered for their bravery and commitment.

Waris Mir, for example, used his pen to defend democracy and freedom of expression during times when speaking freely was dangerous.

Zamir Niazi dedicated his life to exposing censorship and documenting how media voices were silenced again and again.

Their courage inspired many and helped journalism grow stronger in earlier decades.

In more recent years, journalists like Cyril Almeida and Umar Cheema published stories that challenged powerful institutions, even when it put them at personal risk.

Some of them faced threats, restrictions, travel bans, or violence simply because they chose to tell the public what was really happening.

These journalists remind us that the true purpose of journalism is to serve people, not to serve those in power.

Sadly, while courageous individuals still exist, the environment in which they work has become extremely hostile.

Journalists in Pakistan often face pressure from the state, political leaders, and powerful groups who want control over what is reported in the media.

Some topics are considered too sensitive to discuss, and journalists can face serious consequences if they question the authority too strongly.

This fear leads to self-censorship. Even when no one openly tells them to stop, many reporters avoid stories that could put them in danger.

When fear replaces curiosity and courage, journalism begins to die from the inside.

Another growing problem is that a number of journalists today openly support certain political parties.

Instead of staying neutral and serving the public, they act as spokesman for their favourite leaders or groups.

This damages the profession because it becomes difficult for the audiences to trust news that is filled with personal bias.

On television talk shows, some anchors spend more time attacking opponents or defending their chosen political side than providing fair and balanced information.

Among those often seen in this light are well-known media personalities who are frequently viewed by the public as leaning towards particular political narratives when giving commentary.

While they may be respected journalists, their strong political opinions show how modern media personalities can influence public thinking in a way that does not always support objective journalism.

This trend has created deep divisions. Viewers choose channels not because they believe they will learn the truth, but because they want to hear opinions that match their own beliefs.

Instead of being a bridge that connects society through shared facts, journalism has become a tool that intensifies political conflict.

Everyone seems to have their own version of the truth, and real facts become harder to recognise.

Financial pressures have also contributed to the decline of journalism in Pakistan. Many newspapers and television channels struggle to survive because of low advertising revenue and economic challenges.

When media organisations depend on money from groups with political or business influence, they may feel forced to present news that keeps those people happy.

This results in soft reporting on powerful figures, while stories about corruption or wrongdoing are sometimes ignored or watered down.

Journalists who want to investigate and expose the truth often receive little support from their employers.

Technology has also brought both good and bad changes. Social media allows anyone to share information with a large audience, but not all of that information is true.

Misinformation spreads quickly online, and some people who gain popularity on social media platforms claim to be journalists even though they do not follow professional ethics.

Their posts may support a political side or spread false rumours, and many viewers believe what they see without checking the facts.

This makes it even harder for real journalists to maintain credibility.

As print media declines, many experienced journalists have lost their jobs.

Some leave the profession entirely because they cannot survive financially, while young reporters join without proper training.

Many learn the wrong lessons early in their careers that success depends on taking sides or becoming a social media personality rather than doing honest investigative work.

This weakens journalism further because the new generation never experiences or learns the true values of the profession.

Violence against journalists remains a tragic and frightening problem.

Some have been kidnapped or attacked for covering sensitive stories. Others have disappeared or been killed, and their cases remain unresolved.

When journalists see their colleagues targeted, they become more careful. They ask fewer questions. They report less boldly.

Every act of violence sends a message to the entire profession to stay silent. When silence takes over, journalism loses its voice.

The public also plays a role in this crisis. Many people show strong support for their preferred political leaders, and they criticise journalists who question those leaders.

Viewers reward biased channels by watching them regularly, and this encourages more biased content.

When audiences do not demand truthful reporting, media organisations feel no pressure to improve.

Journalism dies not only when journalists stop serving the public, but also when the public stops supporting honest journalism.

Despite all these struggles, some journalists continue to work with sincerity and courage.

They try to report stories that matter, the struggles of the poor, corruption among powerful figures, and problems that affect everyday life.

While their voices are sometimes overshadowed by louder and more political ones, their dedication proves that journalism is not completely dead.

It still survives in those who refuse to give up.

The future of journalism in Pakistan depends on restoring trust. Journalists must remember that they have a responsibility not to political leaders but to the people.

They must avoid becoming tools of propaganda.

Media owners must invest in responsible journalism and allow reporters to work freely. Political forces must recognise that a free press is necessary for a stable and fair society.

And the public must choose to support news that is based on facts rather than party loyalty.

The heroes of the past showed that journalism can play a powerful role in defending freedom and justice.

Those who continue to fight for truth today are following in their footsteps. But if the pressures and divisions continue to grow, Pakistan risks losing journalism altogether.

Without a free press, corruption will rise, injustice will remain hidden, and the citizens will make decisions based on lies rather than truth.

Ukraine has taught the world how dangerous misinformation can be. Pakistan cannot afford to turn its media into a weapon of politics.

It must protect journalism and allow it to serve its real purpose, giving voice to the people, holding the powerful accountable, and ensuring the truth is never buried beneath fear or favour.

Even though journalism in Pakistan is struggling, hope still remains. There are still journalists who believe in truth above all else. They continue to ask difficult questions and shine light into dark corners.

If they are supported instead of silenced, journalism can rise again. The death of journalism is not final as long as there are people willing to defend it.

The country must choose whether to let journalism fade away or to fight for its survival. A stronger and more democratic future depends on that choice.

The writer is a seasoned journalist and a communications professional.

He can be reached at tariqkik@gmail.com

These underwater cables carry almost all international internet traffic, connecting continents, financial centres, cloud platforms, and data hubs.

Today, economies rely on them for trade, communication, and innovation.

Countries on these key routes can gain long-term strategic and economic benefits, while those that do not risk depending on others for global connectivity.

Pakistan occupies a geographically important location in this global subsea network, yet its role remains limited, compared with its potential.

Situated between South Asia, the Middle East, Central Asia, and Western China, Pakistan lies close to some of the busiest data corridors in the world.

Its coastline along the Arabian Sea provides a natural entry point for submarine cables linking Asia with the Middle East, Africa, and Europe.

Despite this, Pakistan is still largely treated as an end market rather than a transit or aggregation hub for international traffic.

Globally, the demand for subsea connectivity continues to grow at a rapid pace.

Cloud computing, video streaming, artificial intelligence, financial services, and cross-border enterprise networks all require high-capacity and low-latency international links.

This has led to a steady expansion of new cable systems and landing points, particularly in locations that offer political stability, open access, reliable power, and strong terrestrial networks.

Cities such as Singapore, Hong Kong, Marseille, London, and Fujairah have become major digital hubs not only because of geography, but because policy and infrastructure choices made them attractive to the global investors and network operators.

Pakistan’s geographic advantage is, therefore, only part of the equation.

The country already hosts several submarine cable landings, mainly concentrated around Karachi.

These systems connect Pakistan to the Middle East, South Asia, and onward to Europe and East Asia.

From a physical perspective, Pakistan could serve as a bridge between regions that are otherwise separated by long and congested routes.

It could also provide route diversity for global carriers looking to reduce dependence on a small number of traditional hubs and chokepoints.

Domestic demand further strengthens this opportunity. With a population exceeding 240 million and rapidly growing internet usage, Pakistan’s need for international bandwidth continues to rise.

Mobile broadband adoption, digital payments, online content consumption, and enterprise connectivity requirements are expanding year after year.

Regional demand also matters. Neighbouring and nearby markets, including landlocked countries, increasingly require reliable and cost-effective access to global networks.

Pakistan could, in theory, meet some of this demand by positioning itself as a regional gateway.

However, several constraints continue to limit Pakistan’s ability to play a larger role in global subsea connectivity.

One of the most significant challenges lies in policy and regulation. International cable investors and global carriers prefer markets where licensing processes are clear, predictable, and timely.

In Pakistan, regulatory procedures related to cable landings, access permissions, and international connectivity can be complex and slow.

This uncertainty discourages long-term investment and makes it difficult for Pakistan to compete with more streamlined jurisdictions.

Another issue is access. Successful subsea hubs are built around open and non-discriminatory access to cable landing stations and terrestrial fibre networks.

Where access is restricted or dominated by a small number of players, costs rise, and competition suffers.

This affects not only international operators but also domestic businesses that depend on affordable and reliable connectivity.

Terrestrial infrastructure presents another challenge. Subsea cables do not create value on their own.

Traffic must move efficiently from landing stations to data centres, cities, and cross-border links.

While Pakistan’s domestic fibre network has improved over time, gaps remain in redundancy, route diversity, and international integration.

Limited high-capacity links towards Central Asia and Western China reduce Pakistan’s ability to function as a transit corridor rather than a final destination.

Network resilience is also a concern. International customers expect multiple layers of redundancy to protect against cable cuts, power failures, and other disruptions.

Past incidents have shown that Pakistan’s international connectivity can be vulnerable to single points of failure.

For global carriers and hyperscalers, resilience is not optional.

Without it, Pakistan struggles to compete with established hubs that offer higher levels of reliability.

Beyond cables and fibre, digital ecosystems matter. Global connectivity hubs usually have strong data centre markets, carrier-neutral facilities, internet exchanges, and cloud on-ramps.

Pakistan’s data centre sector is still developing and remains small compared with the regional peers.

Without large-scale, neutral data centres, there is little incentive for international traffic to stay local.

Instead, data is often carried onward to hubs such as Dubai or Singapore, where richer interconnection environments exist.

Commercial coordination is another weak point. Subsea connectivity requires alignment between government bodies, regulators, telecom operators, infrastructure providers, and international partners.

In Pakistan, efforts are often fragmented, with limited coordination around a shared national vision.

As a result, opportunities are pursued individually rather than as part of a long-term strategy to position the country as a digital transit hub.

The perspective of professionals working directly in global networks highlights both the promise and the limitations of Pakistan’s current position.

Humayun Khan, Deputy General Manager Global Business at Exponentia Global, and an International Networks and Subsea Cables Strategist, works from Karachi while managing international connectivity relationships across multiple regions.

With more than 15 years of experience in submarine cables, international carrier networks, and low-latency optical transport systems, his work reflects how Pakistan is already connected to the global telecom ecosystem at a professional and operational level.

According to him, “Pakistan is already part of the global telecom network, with connections to major hubs like Hong Kong, Singapore, Fujairah, and Marseille. Yet, while international carriers see the potential in emerging markets like ours, Pakistan is rarely a key choice for routing. To become a strategic hub rather than a peripheral node, we need affordable services, reliable infrastructure, and clear regulations that give international operators confidence in using Pakistan as a preferred route.”

His focus on linking strategic hubs demonstrates where Pakistan could add value if the right conditions existed.

His experience with global carriers and hyperscalers shows that interest in diverse routes and emerging markets is real, but it is always conditional on cost, reliability, and regulatory clarity. Pakistan appears on the map, but it rarely sits at the centre of routing decisions.

This gap between potential and reality defines Pakistan’s current position in global subsea connectivity.

The country has geography, demand, and technical talent on its side. What it lacks is a coordinated approach that treats international connectivity as a strategic national asset rather than a narrow telecom issue.

If these constraints were addressed, Pakistan could realistically develop into a secondary regional hub, offering alternative routes between Asia, the Middle East, and Europe.

It could provide digital access for landlocked neighbours, attract regional data centre investment, and improve the resilience of global networks.

The economic benefits would extend beyond connectivity itself, supporting digital services, foreign investment, and skilled employment.

Ultimately, subsea connectivity shapes how countries participate in the global digital economy.

Nations that invest early and wisely gain influence and resilience that lasts for decades.

With deliberate policy reform, infrastructure investment, and strategic coordination, Pakistan can move from the edge of the global subsea map towards a more central and influential role.

The opportunity exists, but it will only be realised through sustained and focused action.

The writer is a seasoned journalist and a communications professional.

He can be reached at tariqkik@gmail.com

As the nation’s population expands and its economic ambitions grow, cities such as Karachi, Lahore, Islamabad, Faisalabad, Rawalpindi, Peshawar, Quetta and Multan are transforming at a pace never witnessed before.

These urban centres are engines of opportunity, attracting people from rural areas who seek employment, education and a better quality of life. Yet, the expanding scale of megacities also raises questions about sustainability, governance, planning and social cohesion.

Understanding the trajectory of urbanisation and its implications is necessary to shape a future that is both prosperous and inclusive.

Pakistan is now among the fastest urbanising countries in South Asia.

Millions of people migrate from villages to cities every decade, driven by the hope for economic mobility, better wages and improved social services.

This continuous inflow of residents, while demonstrating the magnetic pull of urban centres, also strains the existing infrastructure.

Many of Pakistan’s cities were not designed to accommodate such large numbers of people, and their rapid expansion has often occurred without adequate planning.

Informal settlements emerge on the edges of major cities, where people build homes without formal land rights or access to essential services.

These settlements reflect the resilience and ingenuity of migrants, yet they also expose the state’s limited capacity to provide housing, sanitation and utilities to a growing population.

The future of Pakistan’s mega cities depends greatly on how the nation responds to these pressures today.

If urbanisation is managed well, cities can become hubs of economic innovation, cultural vibrancy and technological progress.

However, if mismanaged, the challenges can spiral into deeper inequalities, environmental degradation and reduced social stability.

One of the most immediate concerns is the strain on public services. Access to clean drinking water, reliable electricity, efficient public transport and proper waste management already lags behind in many areas.

Karachi, the country’s largest city, exemplifies these challenges. With a population of over 20 million, it is a melting pot of cultures and industries, contributing significantly to the national economy.

Yet, it suffers from chronic issues of water scarcity, inadequate mass transit and an overwhelmed power infrastructure.

The city’s experience highlights the immediate need for long-term planning and investment, particularly in utilities and mobility systems that can serve future generations.

Another major dimension of urbanisation is housing. Pakistan faces a growing housing shortfall that is projected to increase as urban populations expand.

Affordable housing options remain limited, forcing the low-income families to occupy informal or unsafe settlements.

Without deliberate efforts to increase housing supply, improve land management and regulate construction standards, this challenge will continue to grow.

The future of Pakistan’s cities, therefore, hinges on policies that encourage vertical expansion, mixed-use development and planned housing schemes that accommodate diverse income groups.

Public-private partnerships can also play an important role in mobilising investment for housing projects, provided transparency and accountability are maintained.

Urban mobility is another defining factor in shaping the liveability of mega cities.

Congested roads, insufficient public transport and poor traffic management limit economic productivity and diminish the quality of life.

As the number of vehicles on the roads continues to rise, cities must adopt new strategies to support mobility.

Mass transit systems such as metro lines, bus rapid transit networks and integrated feeder routes offer practical solutions.

Lahore’s and Islamabad’s metro bus systems demonstrate the potential of well-planned public transport, although they require expansion to meet population demands fully.

Karachi’s Green Line BRT is another step in the right direction, but a broader, more integrated mobility strategy is necessary to reduce congestion and support economic growth.

Environmental sustainability is inseparable from discussions on urbanisation. Rapid urban growth often comes at the cost of green spaces, clean air and efficient waste disposal.

In many Pakistani cities, air quality is deteriorating due to emissions from vehicles, industries and unregulated construction activities. Solid waste management remains inadequate, with large portions of waste not being properly collected or processed.

Moreover, climate change adds further complexity. Rising temperatures, unpredictable rainfall patterns and the risk of urban flooding pose significant threats.

Karachi, for instance, has experienced repeated episodes of urban flooding due to encroached drainage systems, inadequate stormwater management and unplanned urban sprawl.

To secure the future of Pakistan’s cities, environmental resilience must be embedded in all urban planning efforts.

Green infrastructure, such as parks, tree plantations, stormwater management systems and energy-efficient buildings, is needed to create cities that are not only functional but also healthy and sustainable.

Urbanisation also influences social dynamics, shaping how communities interact and how identities evolve.

Cities bring together people from different regions, ethnicities and socioeconomic backgrounds.

This diversity has the potential to develop creativity, innovation and cultural richness.

However, it can also lead to social tensions if disparities in access to services, employment and security persist.

Building inclusive cities requires attention to social cohesion, community development and equitable access to opportunities.

Education and healthcare facilities must expand to accommodate urban populations, particularly in the low-income areas where services are most needed.

Moreover, women’s participation in urban economies should be supported through safe public spaces, accessible transportation and employment opportunities in multiple sectors.

As gender equality improves, cities become more productive and more equitable.

Economic growth is closely tied to the future of Pakistan’s mega cities. Urban centres are already responsible for a large proportion of the country’s GDP, and their importance will continue to grow.

The concentration of businesses, industries, universities and financial institutions in cities creates an environment conducive to entrepreneurship, innovation and skill development.

Harnessing this economic potential requires investment in digital infrastructure, technology parks, industrial clusters and vocational training programmes tailored to the needs of a modern economy.

The rise of digital platforms and remote working opportunities also suggests a shift in how urban spaces may be utilised.

Cities must adapt to new economic models, offering flexible workplaces, technology-enabled services and strong broadband connectivity.

Ensuring that future urban development aligns with the global technological trends will position Pakistan competitively in regional and international markets.

Governance plays a major role in determining whether urbanisation becomes an opportunity or a burden.

Effective city management requires decentralised decision-making, empowered local governments and transparent mechanisms for public accountability.

Unfortunately, urban governance in Pakistan has often been hampered by overlapping jurisdictions, political interference and inadequate coordination among the institutions.

Local government representatives must be given the authority and resources to plan, implement and supervise development projects.

Urban planning institutions need to be strengthened with skilled professionals, modern tools and data-driven decision-making processes.

Moreover, citizens should be actively engaged in shaping the future of their cities through public consultations and participatory planning.

When communities have a stake in urban development, the resulting outcomes are more sustainable and widely accepted.

Security is another dimension that influences urban futures. Protecting residents from crime, violence and natural disasters is important to maintaining stable and prosperous cities.

The law-enforcement agencies must be equipped with modern technology, surveillance systems and community-friendly policing practices.

Resilience against natural disasters such as earthquakes, heatwaves and floods must be incorporated into urban planning.

Early warning systems, well-designed evacuation routes and disaster-resilient infrastructure can save lives and protect economic assets.

As mega cities expand, their vulnerabilities also increase, making proactive security and disaster-management strategies essential.

The future of Pakistan’s mega cities will be shaped by choices made today. If guided by vision, strategy and strong governance, urbanisation can become a powerful force for national progress.

Cities can drive economic competitiveness, attract foreign investment and enhance Pakistan’s global standing.

They can also improve the daily lives of millions of people by offering better opportunities, modern facilities and vibrant cultural experiences.

However, achieving this future requires sustained commitment to long-term planning and inclusivity. It requires acknowledging the complex relationship between population growth, infrastructure demands and environmental sustainability.

Mega cities thrive when they are planned with people at the centre. Urban spaces should be designed to support healthy living, economic opportunity and social harmony.

Investments in transport, housing, utilities and green spaces must reflect the needs of the residents from all walks of life. Equally important is the need for adaptability.

As technology evolves, as climate patterns shift and as populations grow, cities must be flexible enough to update their policies and redesign their infrastructure.

Pakistan’s urban future will depend on its ability to remain agile and forward-looking.

Urbanisation will continue to redefine Pakistan’s social and economic landscape. It is a journey marked by challenges but rich with opportunities.

The transformation of cities into modern, resilient and inclusive spaces will require collaboration across governments, businesses, civil society and communities.

With thoughtful planning, Pakistan’s mega cities can become symbols of progress, centres of innovation and homes of hope for future generations.

By embracing the promise of urbanisation and addressing its challenges through practical and people-centred solutions, Pakistan can build cities that not only meet the needs of today but also inspire confidence in tomorrow.

The writer is a seasoned journalist and a communications professional.

He can be reached at tariqkik@gmail.com

Among these tools, ChatGPT has received the most attention. It can write essays, emails, articles, and even poetry within seconds.

For many people, it feels like a miracle of technology. For others, it feels like a threat.

In Pakistan, this debate has become quite strong. Many writers, teachers, and professionals have started to see every well-written piece of work with suspicion, assuming it must have been produced by ChatGPT.

This reaction reflects a mix of misunderstanding, insecurity, and fear about what AI means for originality and creativity.

ChatGPT is not magic. It is a tool built on large amounts of data that helps people express ideas more clearly or find information faster.

It can be a great assistant for anyone who writes, from students to journalists to business professionals.

But like every tool, it depends on how people use it. A pen, after all, can write a masterpiece or a lie.

The problem begins when people stop trusting human ability altogether and start believing that only AI can produce good writing.

In Pakistan, this misunderstanding is spreading fast. Whenever someone writes a well-structured or thoughtful piece, others often accuse them of using ChatGPT, as if humans have suddenly lost the ability to think and write for themselves.

There are several reasons behind this negative attitude. The first is the lack of understanding about what AI really does.

Many people think ChatGPT can read minds or produce perfect ideas on its own. In reality, it works by predicting patterns in language.

It does not know the truth or feel emotions; it only creates sentences that sound natural. Those who have never used it deeply often imagine it as a replacement for human thought.

This fear has made many people defensive about their own writing. Teachers now suspect students of using it for assignments, editors question contributors, and friends doubt each other’s creativity.

The word “AI-generated” has started to carry a negative meaning, almost like an insult.

Another reason is the deep insecurity that exists in Pakistan’s creative and academic circles.

For decades, the country’s education system has not encouraged original thinking. Most students are trained to memorise, repeat, and follow templates.

When a tool like ChatGPT comes along and suddenly produces content that sounds professional, it shakes their confidence.

Instead of seeing it as a chance to learn and improve, many people treat it as a competition.

This defensive reaction is natural, but it also limits growth. Instead of asking how they can use AI to become better thinkers, they waste time trying to find who is using it. The focus shifts from quality to suspicion.

The issue is also tied to how we define originality. Many people believe that originality means creating something completely new, with no influence or inspiration from anywhere else.

But true originality is about perspective, how we see, interpret, and express ideas. Even the greatest writers in history learned from others.

ChatGPT can provide structure or help with language, but the ideas, experiences, and emotions that shape writing still belong to the human being behind it.

The tool may help a writer polish their sentences, but it cannot understand their life, their society, or their heart.

Yet in Pakistan, this difference is often ignored. As a result, people label any polished or fluent writing as AI-generated, as if good English or clear thought is now suspicious.

There is also a cultural angle. Pakistan is a country where technology often arrives before understanding.

Many people use tools they do not fully comprehend. When social media first became popular, it was used to spread rumours and personal attacks instead of healthy debate.

Similarly, AI is now being seen through the same lens. Instead of learning how to use it responsibly, people either depend on it completely or reject it entirely.

Both extremes are harmful. This tool can make life easier for those who know how to guide it, but it can never replace human intelligence.

Sadly, those who misuse it for shortcuts, copying AI responses without adding thought, have created a bad reputation for everyone else who uses it properly.

In universities and workplaces, the reaction has become especially strong. Teachers complain that the students submit essays that sound too perfect to be real.

Editors find it hard to trust freelance writers. Employers suspect employees of using AI to prepare reports.

Some institutions have even banned ChatGPT altogether, thinking that it encourages dishonesty.

But this ban does not solve the problem. It only hides it. The better solution would be to teach people how to combine human creativity with AI assistance, to write with thought and use AI for support, not substitution.

In a way, the tool can actually make us more creative if we use it to explore ideas and save time for deeper thinking.

Many Pakistani writers and professionals also worry that AI will take away jobs. They fear that the editors will no longer need journalists, or companies will stop hiring content creators.

But this fear ignores the fact that AI still depends on human guidance. It cannot interview people, understand context, or express emotion in the same way a person can.

It can help write a report, but it cannot understand the politics behind that report. It can generate text, but it cannot feel the pain, joy, or struggle that gives writing its soul.

Those who learn to use AI as a partner will always be more valuable than those who either ignore it or misuse it.

The future will not belong to machines, but to those who know how to work with them wisely.

The suspicion around AI writing in Pakistan also exposes a larger issue: our struggle with trust and intellectual respect.

We are often quick to doubt others’ abilities. When someone writes well, we ask, “Who wrote it for you?” instead of appreciating their skill.

This attitude existed even before ChatGPT, but AI has made it worse. It is easier to blame a tool than to accept that someone else might simply be talented or hardworking.

This mindset damages our creative culture. Instead of inspiring each other, we discourage talent.

We turn every achievement into a question mark. In such an environment, innovation becomes difficult.

It is also important to understand that AI cannot replace authenticity. The best writing, whether in journalism, literature, or business communication, comes from experience. It reflects a person’s journey, emotions, and understanding of the world.

ChatGPT can imitate style but not substance. It can guess what a human might say, but cannot truly mean it.

If we depend only on AI, our writing will become hollow, without depth or identity.

Besides, if we use it to improve our grammar, expand our vocabulary, or find new ways to express our thoughts, it can be an amazing learning tool.

The problem is not AI itself but the attitude towards it.

In Pakistan, where communication skills and English proficiency are often seen as measures of intelligence, tools like ChatGPT create even more tension.

People who were once respected for their writing now feel challenged, while others who never had confidence in their language suddenly feel empowered.

This shift has created jealousy and confusion. Instead of celebrating the fact that more people can now express themselves clearly, many choose to criticise.

It shows how society sometimes fears equality, when a tool gives everyone access to knowledge, it threatens old hierarchies of talent.

Ultimately, we must accept that technology will keep evolving. Just as calculators did not destroy mathematics, AI will not destroy writing. It will only change how we approach it.

The real question is whether we will adapt or resist. Pakistan’s creative and academic communities need to build trust, not suspicion.

They must learn to tell the difference between thoughtless AI copying and thoughtful writing assisted by AI.

They must also understand that even if AI helps with language, the real strength of any piece lies in the ideas behind it. Machines can never replace that human spark.

If we continue to see every piece of good writing as AI-generated, we will only discourage our own people from thinking deeply or expressing themselves well.

We will create a culture of fear instead of curiosity. ChatGPT should be treated as a tool for learning and improvement, not as a threat.

The real danger is not that AI will make us less human, but that our fear of it will make us less trusting, less confident, and less open to progress.

Pakistan’s writers, teachers, and thinkers can either use this new technology sensibly or continue resisting something they do not fully understand.

The future will support those who pick learning instead of doubt, and creativity instead of fear.

The writer is a seasoned journalist and a communications professional. He can be reached at tariqkik@gmail.com